India Quarterly, Volume 79, Issue 4, Page 498-513, December 2023.
Healthcare must be prioritised in multilateral platforms like the G20, especially in light of the COVID-19 pandemic from which the world is still recovering. India’s G20 presidency in 2023 is being hailed by various emerging economies and international organisations for its potential in espousing universal health coverage (UHC), digital health innovation, better healthcare architecture and service delivery as primary drivers in achieving robust healthcare systems in the twenty-first century. This leadership year of G20 gives a unique chance to boost sustainable growth in healthcare across the country, the developing world, and beyond. Therefore, this article aims to analyse the role of G20 in promoting global health as a vital agenda on its platform comprising the developed world, emerging economies and low- and middle-income countries. The article also seeks to review the health track priorities under India’s presidency and its potential for developing global health architecture in the forthcoming years. Last but not least, the article delves into the question of what are the challenges encountered by the G20 multilateral platform, along with some potential avenues for future cooperation.
Category Archives: India Quarterly
The G-20 Opportunity for India
India Quarterly, Volume 79, Issue 4, Page 461-466, December 2023.
The forthcoming G-20 summit in New Delhi offers India the opportunity to represent the concerns and aspirations of the Global South even while serving as a bridge between the developed and the developing world. A large number of preparatory meetings have been hosted by India in several important domains such as finance, public health, climate change and the digital economy, among others. These promise substantive outcomes at the summit but the key will be practical follow-up. The summit is overshadowed by the sharp divisions among members over the ongoing Ukraine War. It will be a challenge for India to keep the focus on the urgent need for countries to work together on cross-national and cross-domain issues. The summit opens up an expanded diplomatic space for India and raises its regional and international profile.
The forthcoming G-20 summit in New Delhi offers India the opportunity to represent the concerns and aspirations of the Global South even while serving as a bridge between the developed and the developing world. A large number of preparatory meetings have been hosted by India in several important domains such as finance, public health, climate change and the digital economy, among others. These promise substantive outcomes at the summit but the key will be practical follow-up. The summit is overshadowed by the sharp divisions among members over the ongoing Ukraine War. It will be a challenge for India to keep the focus on the urgent need for countries to work together on cross-national and cross-domain issues. The summit opens up an expanded diplomatic space for India and raises its regional and international profile.
Gender Gap in Food Security and Nutrition: Special Case of India in the G20
India Quarterly, Volume 79, Issue 4, Page 564-574, December 2023.
The sustainability of food security and adequate nutrition is a global challenge. The G20 nations, representing two-thirds of the global population bear half of the world’s malnutrition burden in the form of either excessive or inadequate intake of nutrition. The general risks associated with food insecurity in terms of climate change, ecology and resource contraction vis-à-vis population are macro issues involving the global commons. This article which relates to the micro issue of the gender gap in household food security is based on public data and international indices on the status of food security and the gender gap. The study indicates the presence of a gender gap in nutrition for reasons more socio-cultural, than economic. The study is focused on G20 nations, especially India as it bears the largest burden of nutrition-related disease within the G20. Data from the Global Hunger Index and the Global Gender Gap Index of 2022 has portrayed India as a dismal performer despite the fact that India runs the largest public food security programme that has targeted nutrition programs for women beneficiaries. The present article identifies the common challenges faced by the G20 nations in the realm of food security and the steps taken for mitigation. The article also examines cooperation within G20 in realising the Sustainable Development Goals related to ending hunger and realising gender equity in food.
The sustainability of food security and adequate nutrition is a global challenge. The G20 nations, representing two-thirds of the global population bear half of the world’s malnutrition burden in the form of either excessive or inadequate intake of nutrition. The general risks associated with food insecurity in terms of climate change, ecology and resource contraction vis-à-vis population are macro issues involving the global commons. This article which relates to the micro issue of the gender gap in household food security is based on public data and international indices on the status of food security and the gender gap. The study indicates the presence of a gender gap in nutrition for reasons more socio-cultural, than economic. The study is focused on G20 nations, especially India as it bears the largest burden of nutrition-related disease within the G20. Data from the Global Hunger Index and the Global Gender Gap Index of 2022 has portrayed India as a dismal performer despite the fact that India runs the largest public food security programme that has targeted nutrition programs for women beneficiaries. The present article identifies the common challenges faced by the G20 nations in the realm of food security and the steps taken for mitigation. The article also examines cooperation within G20 in realising the Sustainable Development Goals related to ending hunger and realising gender equity in food.
Multilateralism in Global Health: A New Paradigm
India Quarterly, Volume 79, Issue 4, Page 488-497, December 2023.
The COVID-19 pandemic has exposed the fragile state of the global economy and the impact of newly emerging diseases can have. As the World Health Organisation (WHO) declares the pandemic over, there is a need to re-think the prevalent ideas of multilateralism and enable global cooperation in preventing and managing future pandemics and impacts of climate change. The global multilateral institutions have developed since their inception after World War II into large-scale organisations which route funds towards development in social, economic and health of the member nations. However, they continue to be helmed by the Global North, with priorities being increasingly influenced by private individuals and multinational corporations which provide funds. The G20 and its member nations seek equitable representation in the global institutions. With India at its presidency as the world emerges from the COVID-19 pandemic, the need of the hour is a reformed and equitable multilateralism with provisions for international cooperation, knowledge and data sharing in case of global emergencies, and pharmaceutical and vaccine supply chains that can work around the WTO’s TRIPS regulations in emergency conditions. The use of technology in healthcare services has gained momentum in the last decade and India’s call to declare digital health tools a public good is expected to be a major milestone in healthcare.
The COVID-19 pandemic has exposed the fragile state of the global economy and the impact of newly emerging diseases can have. As the World Health Organisation (WHO) declares the pandemic over, there is a need to re-think the prevalent ideas of multilateralism and enable global cooperation in preventing and managing future pandemics and impacts of climate change. The global multilateral institutions have developed since their inception after World War II into large-scale organisations which route funds towards development in social, economic and health of the member nations. However, they continue to be helmed by the Global North, with priorities being increasingly influenced by private individuals and multinational corporations which provide funds. The G20 and its member nations seek equitable representation in the global institutions. With India at its presidency as the world emerges from the COVID-19 pandemic, the need of the hour is a reformed and equitable multilateralism with provisions for international cooperation, knowledge and data sharing in case of global emergencies, and pharmaceutical and vaccine supply chains that can work around the WTO’s TRIPS regulations in emergency conditions. The use of technology in healthcare services has gained momentum in the last decade and India’s call to declare digital health tools a public good is expected to be a major milestone in healthcare.
Perceptions, Promotion and Pre-eminence: India’s Presidency of the G20
India Quarterly, Volume 79, Issue 4, Page 467-475, December 2023.
New Delhi’s taking on the G20 Presidency represents a highly important—if not watershed—moment for Indian diplomacy. For an India that is transitioning from being a developing to a developed economy and whose great power rise centres upon core goals relating to development, modernisation, status, leadership, importance, prestige and pride, assuming the G20 Presidency seems transformational. A central part of the G20’s remit also concerns constructing and maintaining global financial architectures and governance mechanisms, which India can now crucially influence as her own economic clout increases on the global stage. Moreover, New Delhi’s Presidency signifies a pivotal time for the legitimacy of the G20 and one which potentially heralds a more representative era for the grouping, which will only enhance India’s global pre-eminence.
New Delhi’s taking on the G20 Presidency represents a highly important—if not watershed—moment for Indian diplomacy. For an India that is transitioning from being a developing to a developed economy and whose great power rise centres upon core goals relating to development, modernisation, status, leadership, importance, prestige and pride, assuming the G20 Presidency seems transformational. A central part of the G20’s remit also concerns constructing and maintaining global financial architectures and governance mechanisms, which India can now crucially influence as her own economic clout increases on the global stage. Moreover, New Delhi’s Presidency signifies a pivotal time for the legitimacy of the G20 and one which potentially heralds a more representative era for the grouping, which will only enhance India’s global pre-eminence.
The Making of the Afghan Emirate
India Quarterly, Volume 79, Issue 4, Page 611-617, December 2023.
Bette Dam, Looking for The Enemy: Mullah Omar and the Unknown Taliban (HarperCollins, 2021). Pp. 352, ₹362. ISBN-10: 9354892795. ISBN-13: 978-9354892790.Carter Malkasian, The American War in Afghanistan (London, OPU, 2023). Pp. 600, $24.95. ISBN: 9780197645499.
Bette Dam, Looking for The Enemy: Mullah Omar and the Unknown Taliban (HarperCollins, 2021). Pp. 352, ₹362. ISBN-10: 9354892795. ISBN-13: 978-9354892790.Carter Malkasian, The American War in Afghanistan (London, OPU, 2023). Pp. 600, $24.95. ISBN: 9780197645499.
Promoting Green Energy Transition Through G20
India Quarterly, Volume 79, Issue 4, Page 552-563, December 2023.
The G20, a leading multilateral forum for global cooperation and decision-making, is taking the lead to foster dialogue and deliberation on green energy transition through energy collaboration and action agenda. The G20 countries are accountable for more than three-quarters of global greenhouse gas emissions collectively. Individually, all the members have net-zero emissions domestic pledges and action plans to gear up their transition towards green energy regimes. Although most countries have submitted stronger NDC targets over time, their overall implementation is still insufficient to meet 1.5°C goal. India, as the current President of the group, strived to build consensus on decarbonisation, rationalisation of energy mix, and financing the transition to green energy. The article, while examining G20’s attempts in this direction, examines India’s constraints on the way to building consensus on green energy transition for net-zero emissions.
The G20, a leading multilateral forum for global cooperation and decision-making, is taking the lead to foster dialogue and deliberation on green energy transition through energy collaboration and action agenda. The G20 countries are accountable for more than three-quarters of global greenhouse gas emissions collectively. Individually, all the members have net-zero emissions domestic pledges and action plans to gear up their transition towards green energy regimes. Although most countries have submitted stronger NDC targets over time, their overall implementation is still insufficient to meet 1.5°C goal. India, as the current President of the group, strived to build consensus on decarbonisation, rationalisation of energy mix, and financing the transition to green energy. The article, while examining G20’s attempts in this direction, examines India’s constraints on the way to building consensus on green energy transition for net-zero emissions.
‘Afghanistan Factor’ in India–Russia Relationship
India Quarterly, Volume 79, Issue 4, Page 575-593, December 2023.
Afghanistan has been an important factor in India–Russia ties. There was not much cooperation between them before 1979. However, in later years, the two countries had an intelligence-sharing mechanism along with Afghanistan in order to deal with their common security challenges which had close links with security situation in Afghanistan. In the 1990s, India–Russia supported their mutual fight against terrorism as Taliban-controlled Afghanistan became a common security challenge. In the current context, both countries have established institutional mechanisms to coordinate their Afghanistan policies. Their engagement with Taliban is ‘conditional’ while the two countries would continue to share intelligence and coordinate their respective Afghanistan policies since they still face similar security challenges from Afghanistan.
Afghanistan has been an important factor in India–Russia ties. There was not much cooperation between them before 1979. However, in later years, the two countries had an intelligence-sharing mechanism along with Afghanistan in order to deal with their common security challenges which had close links with security situation in Afghanistan. In the 1990s, India–Russia supported their mutual fight against terrorism as Taliban-controlled Afghanistan became a common security challenge. In the current context, both countries have established institutional mechanisms to coordinate their Afghanistan policies. Their engagement with Taliban is ‘conditional’ while the two countries would continue to share intelligence and coordinate their respective Afghanistan policies since they still face similar security challenges from Afghanistan.
Editorial
India Quarterly, Volume 79, Issue 3, Page 291-292, September 2023.
China’s Techno-Politics: The Impact on Belt and Road Partners
India Quarterly, Volume 79, Issue 3, Page 336-355, September 2023.
The impact of China’s Digital Silk Road (DSR) on countries signing the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is a less explored area. This article argues that the repercussions of unregulated propagation of DSR on BRI countries are likely to go beyond economy and commerce because of the vastly different approach of China’s use of technology in its own governance. Since this aspect is inadequately covered in existing literature, an attempt is made to fill the gap. When external entities are allowed to setup large-scale digital networks, e-governance and e-commerce in technologically deficient countries of the Global South, the host country loses control over its digital data that such networks generate. Overdependence on technology of one nation can lead to a data monopoly with a potential impact on the entire polity. To what extent this hypothesis holds substance is the issue deliberated on in this article using inductive reasoning and qualitative methods.
The impact of China’s Digital Silk Road (DSR) on countries signing the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is a less explored area. This article argues that the repercussions of unregulated propagation of DSR on BRI countries are likely to go beyond economy and commerce because of the vastly different approach of China’s use of technology in its own governance. Since this aspect is inadequately covered in existing literature, an attempt is made to fill the gap. When external entities are allowed to setup large-scale digital networks, e-governance and e-commerce in technologically deficient countries of the Global South, the host country loses control over its digital data that such networks generate. Overdependence on technology of one nation can lead to a data monopoly with a potential impact on the entire polity. To what extent this hypothesis holds substance is the issue deliberated on in this article using inductive reasoning and qualitative methods.