The Indian Economic &Social History Review, Volume 60, Issue 3, Page 371-373, July–September 2023.
Muzaffar Alam, The Mughals and the Sufis: Islam and Political Imagination in India, 1500–1750. SUNY Press, 2021, 468 pp.
Category Archives: The Indian Economic & Social History Review
Book review: Santosh Kumar Rai, Weaving Hierarchies: Handloom Weavers in Early Twentieth Century United Provinces
The Indian Economic &Social History Review, Volume 60, Issue 3, Page 373-375, July–September 2023.
Santosh Kumar Rai, Weaving Hierarchies: Handloom Weavers in Early Twentieth Century United Provinces. Primus Books, 2021, 540 pp.
Santosh Kumar Rai, Weaving Hierarchies: Handloom Weavers in Early Twentieth Century United Provinces. Primus Books, 2021, 540 pp.
Book review: Blain Auer, In the Mirror of Persian Kings: The Origins of Perso-Islamic Courts and Empires in India
The Indian Economic &Social History Review, Volume 60, Issue 3, Page 368-371, July–September 2023.
Blain Auer, In the Mirror of Persian Kings: The Origins of Perso-Islamic Courts and Empires in India. Cambridge University Press, 2021, 232 pp.
Blain Auer, In the Mirror of Persian Kings: The Origins of Perso-Islamic Courts and Empires in India. Cambridge University Press, 2021, 232 pp.
Book review: Aditya Pratap Deo, Kings, Spirits and Memory in Central India: Enchanting the State
The Indian Economic &Social History Review, Volume 60, Issue 3, Page 365-367, July–September 2023.
Aditya Pratap Deo, Kings, Spirits and Memory in Central India: Enchanting the State. Routledge, 2022, 197 pp.
Aditya Pratap Deo, Kings, Spirits and Memory in Central India: Enchanting the State. Routledge, 2022, 197 pp.
Information and price convergence: Government telegraphs in British India
The Indian Economic &Social History Review, Volume 60, Issue 3, Page 301-334, July–September 2023.
In contrast to the abundant literature on railways, there are few studies of the impact of telegraphs—another revolutionary nineteenth-century technology—on price convergence. Most measure the impact on international commodity-price differences between developed countries given an efficient form of transportation: ocean shipping. This article estimates the impact of government telegraphs within a major developing economy—British India—which lacked efficient pre-railway transportation. We use data from almost 200 districts, collected for the period between 1862 and 1920, when over 13,000 district pairs were linked by government telegraphs. We estimate that before the introduction of railways, the presence of telegraphs reduced grain-price dispersion by 7%–13%. There were also spill-over effects on neighbouring districts, the timing of which strongly suggests causation from telegraphs to prices. The results imply that telegraphs played their own important role in the late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century market integration in the developing world. Like railroads, telegraphs in British India significantly contributed to linking geographically dispersed commodity markets to each other to create a more unified economy.
In contrast to the abundant literature on railways, there are few studies of the impact of telegraphs—another revolutionary nineteenth-century technology—on price convergence. Most measure the impact on international commodity-price differences between developed countries given an efficient form of transportation: ocean shipping. This article estimates the impact of government telegraphs within a major developing economy—British India—which lacked efficient pre-railway transportation. We use data from almost 200 districts, collected for the period between 1862 and 1920, when over 13,000 district pairs were linked by government telegraphs. We estimate that before the introduction of railways, the presence of telegraphs reduced grain-price dispersion by 7%–13%. There were also spill-over effects on neighbouring districts, the timing of which strongly suggests causation from telegraphs to prices. The results imply that telegraphs played their own important role in the late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century market integration in the developing world. Like railroads, telegraphs in British India significantly contributed to linking geographically dispersed commodity markets to each other to create a more unified economy.
Classifying and counting the Dalits in the late colonial period: The conundrum of the Jatavs
The Indian Economic &Social History Review, Volume 60, Issue 3, Page 245-273, July–September 2023.
The Jatavs of the United Provinces were not legally recognised as a separate caste until 1942; and then only as a consequence of an exceptional revision of legislation. Yet, for some considerable time before, the provincial authorities had routinely treated Jatavs as if they had already been granted the status of an officially recognised distinct caste grouping. This was despite a ruling in 1933, endorsed jointly by the India Office, the Government of India, and the provincial government, that the Jatavs were not a separate caste. The case of the Jatavs is examined here in the context of the contradictions and confusion in the policies of the colonial authorities, first towards the Depressed Classes, and later in the construction of the category that eventually became the Scheduled Castes. In addition, it is argued that those contradictions also created interstices of ambiguity that many Dalit representatives explored, interrogated, and exploited as they generated the space in which to assert their agency. The history of the Jatavs is an important instance of subaltern politics participating in the procedures of the colonial regime rather than operating in some separate autonomous domain of activity. By engaging with the existing power structures and processes, Jatav leaders created the opportunity to expose and take advantage of the contradictions generated by the confusion in the exercises of classifying and counting conducted by the colonial state.
The Jatavs of the United Provinces were not legally recognised as a separate caste until 1942; and then only as a consequence of an exceptional revision of legislation. Yet, for some considerable time before, the provincial authorities had routinely treated Jatavs as if they had already been granted the status of an officially recognised distinct caste grouping. This was despite a ruling in 1933, endorsed jointly by the India Office, the Government of India, and the provincial government, that the Jatavs were not a separate caste. The case of the Jatavs is examined here in the context of the contradictions and confusion in the policies of the colonial authorities, first towards the Depressed Classes, and later in the construction of the category that eventually became the Scheduled Castes. In addition, it is argued that those contradictions also created interstices of ambiguity that many Dalit representatives explored, interrogated, and exploited as they generated the space in which to assert their agency. The history of the Jatavs is an important instance of subaltern politics participating in the procedures of the colonial regime rather than operating in some separate autonomous domain of activity. By engaging with the existing power structures and processes, Jatav leaders created the opportunity to expose and take advantage of the contradictions generated by the confusion in the exercises of classifying and counting conducted by the colonial state.
The idea of competition: Contextualising the debate over changing methods of recruitment in the Indian civil service during company rule
The Indian Economic &Social History Review, Volume 60, Issue 3, Page 335-363, July–September 2023.
Public examinations were one of the great initiatives of the nineteenth-century Englishmen. The idea of a competitive examination, which was first implemented in the Indian civil service during East India Company rule, was shaped in post-industrial Britain by liberal-utilitarian thinkers like Adam Smith, Jeremy Bentham, J. S. Mill, and others. The idea of competition, initially implemented in the field of economics, soon came to be applied to administration and governance. Studies on the Indian Civil Service have mainly focussed on its administrative and bureaucratic development. However, the historiography is silent about the role of English liberal-utilitarians, political-economists, and parliamentarians in applying the idea of competition to public services. In this context, this article tries to understand the concept of competition, as well as the ideological background and parliamentary debates behind the introduction of competitive examinations, and their impact on the socio-educational structure of colonial India during the three stages of foundation (1757–813), discourse (1814–53) and institutionalisation (1854 onwards).
Public examinations were one of the great initiatives of the nineteenth-century Englishmen. The idea of a competitive examination, which was first implemented in the Indian civil service during East India Company rule, was shaped in post-industrial Britain by liberal-utilitarian thinkers like Adam Smith, Jeremy Bentham, J. S. Mill, and others. The idea of competition, initially implemented in the field of economics, soon came to be applied to administration and governance. Studies on the Indian Civil Service have mainly focussed on its administrative and bureaucratic development. However, the historiography is silent about the role of English liberal-utilitarians, political-economists, and parliamentarians in applying the idea of competition to public services. In this context, this article tries to understand the concept of competition, as well as the ideological background and parliamentary debates behind the introduction of competitive examinations, and their impact on the socio-educational structure of colonial India during the three stages of foundation (1757–813), discourse (1814–53) and institutionalisation (1854 onwards).
Linguistic minorities and strategic mobilisation in eastern India: Bengali-Biharis during the era of linguistic territorialism (1935–57)
The Indian Economic &Social History Review, Volume 60, Issue 3, Page 275-300, July–September 2023.
This article analyses how linguistic minorities in the province of Bihar navigated the era of linguistic territorialism, when mainstream political organisations and figures within India largely agreed that specific linguistic communities ‘belonged’ in particular regions. Indian scholarship has tended to focus on the mechanisms that brought about the linguistic reorganisation of states in India, therefore, concentrating largely on the ways in which territory and language became intrinsically connected. This article will examine the link of language and belonging with regard to a ‘community’, which demanded that states remain linguistically and culturally heterogenous. It focuses on the section of Biharis that identified Bengali as their ‘mother-tongue’ and tracks the transformation of Bengali politics within the province/state during the transition from colonial rule to independence. It explores the ways in which narratives of historical Bengali settlement were deployed for different reasons across this period, and argues that Bengalis in Bihar conceptualised the ordering of the Indian nation in a way that was inherently different from mainstream understandings of how the country should be ordered during this period. Bengali-Bihari figures and publications deployed rhetoric that attached much greater value to territorial belonging than to linguistic or cultural belonging. This article demonstrates that contrary to common assumptions, there were large groups of people who conceptualised India not just as a linguistically heterogenous nation, but one that consisted of linguistically heterogenous states that protected minority linguistic communities.
This article analyses how linguistic minorities in the province of Bihar navigated the era of linguistic territorialism, when mainstream political organisations and figures within India largely agreed that specific linguistic communities ‘belonged’ in particular regions. Indian scholarship has tended to focus on the mechanisms that brought about the linguistic reorganisation of states in India, therefore, concentrating largely on the ways in which territory and language became intrinsically connected. This article will examine the link of language and belonging with regard to a ‘community’, which demanded that states remain linguistically and culturally heterogenous. It focuses on the section of Biharis that identified Bengali as their ‘mother-tongue’ and tracks the transformation of Bengali politics within the province/state during the transition from colonial rule to independence. It explores the ways in which narratives of historical Bengali settlement were deployed for different reasons across this period, and argues that Bengalis in Bihar conceptualised the ordering of the Indian nation in a way that was inherently different from mainstream understandings of how the country should be ordered during this period. Bengali-Bihari figures and publications deployed rhetoric that attached much greater value to territorial belonging than to linguistic or cultural belonging. This article demonstrates that contrary to common assumptions, there were large groups of people who conceptualised India not just as a linguistically heterogenous nation, but one that consisted of linguistically heterogenous states that protected minority linguistic communities.