India Quarterly, Volume 79, Issue 3, Page 356-369, September 2023.
The two nuclear-armed states of South Asia, India and Pakistan, besides being arch-rivals face common non-traditional security challenges. A recent example indicates that, despite having differences, they cooperated to successfully deal with the locust upsurge of 2019–2020. This study looks at why and how they arrived at joint efforts to thwart this non-traditional security threat. To set the context for this, it also explores the phases of the locust cycle and the reason why it constitutes a potential threat to the food security of both India and Pakistan. The study finds that the chances of cooperation between hostile states may increase if there are mutual threats in the non-traditional security realm. It further concludes that the chances of cooperation between the belligerent states increase if they are part of regional and international mechanisms to deal with the threats.
Deconstructing the Metanarratives of China’s Engagement with the African Continent: African Agency and Competing Narratives
India Quarterly, Volume 79, Issue 3, Page 318-335, September 2023.
China’s relationship with the African continent has faced extensive critique over the past few decades, with most explanations broadly falling under the umbrella of three metanarratives: a ‘developing partner’, an ‘economic competitor’ or a ‘hegemonic actor’. Although these labels help to make intelligible the broad intentions of China’s interaction on the continent, they unwittingly gloss over the importance of choice and agency that the African nations continue to hold in deciding their future trajectories. Essentially, deconstructing these narratives to uncover the principal characteristics of China’s approach to the African continent is the central puzzle of this study. The study further questions the extent to which the agency of African nations determines their relationship with China. This article essentially proposes that while each of the three descriptions provides an insight into the various facets of the Sino-African relationship, none of them captures the whole picture, and instead, China’s approach to the African continent is best understood by its pragmatism, which is guided by its political aspirations and economic objectives. Furthermore, the study argues that the agency of each African nation also plays a part in shaping how China’s pragmatic approach further translates into one of the three metanarratives. The article relies on an inductive exploration of its central research question and uses a variety of sources, which include data from international institutions and governments, government releases and secondary literature, amongst others.
China’s relationship with the African continent has faced extensive critique over the past few decades, with most explanations broadly falling under the umbrella of three metanarratives: a ‘developing partner’, an ‘economic competitor’ or a ‘hegemonic actor’. Although these labels help to make intelligible the broad intentions of China’s interaction on the continent, they unwittingly gloss over the importance of choice and agency that the African nations continue to hold in deciding their future trajectories. Essentially, deconstructing these narratives to uncover the principal characteristics of China’s approach to the African continent is the central puzzle of this study. The study further questions the extent to which the agency of African nations determines their relationship with China. This article essentially proposes that while each of the three descriptions provides an insight into the various facets of the Sino-African relationship, none of them captures the whole picture, and instead, China’s approach to the African continent is best understood by its pragmatism, which is guided by its political aspirations and economic objectives. Furthermore, the study argues that the agency of each African nation also plays a part in shaping how China’s pragmatic approach further translates into one of the three metanarratives. The article relies on an inductive exploration of its central research question and uses a variety of sources, which include data from international institutions and governments, government releases and secondary literature, amongst others.
Hurt Sentiments: Secularism and Belonging in South Asia
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Classifying and counting the Dalits in the late colonial period: The conundrum of the Jatavs
The Indian Economic & Social History Review, Volume 60, Issue 3, Page 245-273, July–September 2023.
The Jatavs of the United Provinces were not legally recognised as a separate caste until 1942; and then only as a consequence of an exceptional revision of legislation. Yet, for some considerable time before, the provincial authorities had routinely treated Jatavs as if they had already been granted the status of an officially recognised distinct caste grouping. This was despite a ruling in 1933, endorsed jointly by the India Office, the Government of India, and the provincial government, that the Jatavs were not a separate caste. The case of the Jatavs is examined here in the context of the contradictions and confusion in the policies of the colonial authorities, first towards the Depressed Classes, and later in the construction of the category that eventually became the Scheduled Castes. In addition, it is argued that those contradictions also created interstices of ambiguity that many Dalit representatives explored, interrogated, and exploited as they generated the space in which to assert their agency. The history of the Jatavs is an important instance of subaltern politics participating in the procedures of the colonial regime rather than operating in some separate autonomous domain of activity. By engaging with the existing power structures and processes, Jatav leaders created the opportunity to expose and take advantage of the contradictions generated by the confusion in the exercises of classifying and counting conducted by the colonial state.
The Jatavs of the United Provinces were not legally recognised as a separate caste until 1942; and then only as a consequence of an exceptional revision of legislation. Yet, for some considerable time before, the provincial authorities had routinely treated Jatavs as if they had already been granted the status of an officially recognised distinct caste grouping. This was despite a ruling in 1933, endorsed jointly by the India Office, the Government of India, and the provincial government, that the Jatavs were not a separate caste. The case of the Jatavs is examined here in the context of the contradictions and confusion in the policies of the colonial authorities, first towards the Depressed Classes, and later in the construction of the category that eventually became the Scheduled Castes. In addition, it is argued that those contradictions also created interstices of ambiguity that many Dalit representatives explored, interrogated, and exploited as they generated the space in which to assert their agency. The history of the Jatavs is an important instance of subaltern politics participating in the procedures of the colonial regime rather than operating in some separate autonomous domain of activity. By engaging with the existing power structures and processes, Jatav leaders created the opportunity to expose and take advantage of the contradictions generated by the confusion in the exercises of classifying and counting conducted by the colonial state.
Information and price convergence: Government telegraphs in British India
The Indian Economic & Social History Review, Volume 60, Issue 3, Page 301-334, July–September 2023.
In contrast to the abundant literature on railways, there are few studies of the impact of telegraphs—another revolutionary nineteenth-century technology—on price convergence. Most measure the impact on international commodity-price differences between developed countries given an efficient form of transportation: ocean shipping. This article estimates the impact of government telegraphs within a major developing economy—British India—which lacked efficient pre-railway transportation. We use data from almost 200 districts, collected for the period between 1862 and 1920, when over 13,000 district pairs were linked by government telegraphs. We estimate that before the introduction of railways, the presence of telegraphs reduced grain-price dispersion by 7%–13%. There were also spill-over effects on neighbouring districts, the timing of which strongly suggests causation from telegraphs to prices. The results imply that telegraphs played their own important role in the late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century market integration in the developing world. Like railroads, telegraphs in British India significantly contributed to linking geographically dispersed commodity markets to each other to create a more unified economy.
In contrast to the abundant literature on railways, there are few studies of the impact of telegraphs—another revolutionary nineteenth-century technology—on price convergence. Most measure the impact on international commodity-price differences between developed countries given an efficient form of transportation: ocean shipping. This article estimates the impact of government telegraphs within a major developing economy—British India—which lacked efficient pre-railway transportation. We use data from almost 200 districts, collected for the period between 1862 and 1920, when over 13,000 district pairs were linked by government telegraphs. We estimate that before the introduction of railways, the presence of telegraphs reduced grain-price dispersion by 7%–13%. There were also spill-over effects on neighbouring districts, the timing of which strongly suggests causation from telegraphs to prices. The results imply that telegraphs played their own important role in the late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century market integration in the developing world. Like railroads, telegraphs in British India significantly contributed to linking geographically dispersed commodity markets to each other to create a more unified economy.
Classifying and counting the Dalits in the late colonial period: The conundrum of the Jatavs
The Indian Economic &Social History Review, Volume 60, Issue 3, Page 245-273, July–September 2023.
The Jatavs of the United Provinces were not legally recognised as a separate caste until 1942; and then only as a consequence of an exceptional revision of legislation. Yet, for some considerable time before, the provincial authorities had routinely treated Jatavs as if they had already been granted the status of an officially recognised distinct caste grouping. This was despite a ruling in 1933, endorsed jointly by the India Office, the Government of India, and the provincial government, that the Jatavs were not a separate caste. The case of the Jatavs is examined here in the context of the contradictions and confusion in the policies of the colonial authorities, first towards the Depressed Classes, and later in the construction of the category that eventually became the Scheduled Castes. In addition, it is argued that those contradictions also created interstices of ambiguity that many Dalit representatives explored, interrogated, and exploited as they generated the space in which to assert their agency. The history of the Jatavs is an important instance of subaltern politics participating in the procedures of the colonial regime rather than operating in some separate autonomous domain of activity. By engaging with the existing power structures and processes, Jatav leaders created the opportunity to expose and take advantage of the contradictions generated by the confusion in the exercises of classifying and counting conducted by the colonial state.
The Jatavs of the United Provinces were not legally recognised as a separate caste until 1942; and then only as a consequence of an exceptional revision of legislation. Yet, for some considerable time before, the provincial authorities had routinely treated Jatavs as if they had already been granted the status of an officially recognised distinct caste grouping. This was despite a ruling in 1933, endorsed jointly by the India Office, the Government of India, and the provincial government, that the Jatavs were not a separate caste. The case of the Jatavs is examined here in the context of the contradictions and confusion in the policies of the colonial authorities, first towards the Depressed Classes, and later in the construction of the category that eventually became the Scheduled Castes. In addition, it is argued that those contradictions also created interstices of ambiguity that many Dalit representatives explored, interrogated, and exploited as they generated the space in which to assert their agency. The history of the Jatavs is an important instance of subaltern politics participating in the procedures of the colonial regime rather than operating in some separate autonomous domain of activity. By engaging with the existing power structures and processes, Jatav leaders created the opportunity to expose and take advantage of the contradictions generated by the confusion in the exercises of classifying and counting conducted by the colonial state.
Information and price convergence: Government telegraphs in British India
The Indian Economic &Social History Review, Volume 60, Issue 3, Page 301-334, July–September 2023.
In contrast to the abundant literature on railways, there are few studies of the impact of telegraphs—another revolutionary nineteenth-century technology—on price convergence. Most measure the impact on international commodity-price differences between developed countries given an efficient form of transportation: ocean shipping. This article estimates the impact of government telegraphs within a major developing economy—British India—which lacked efficient pre-railway transportation. We use data from almost 200 districts, collected for the period between 1862 and 1920, when over 13,000 district pairs were linked by government telegraphs. We estimate that before the introduction of railways, the presence of telegraphs reduced grain-price dispersion by 7%–13%. There were also spill-over effects on neighbouring districts, the timing of which strongly suggests causation from telegraphs to prices. The results imply that telegraphs played their own important role in the late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century market integration in the developing world. Like railroads, telegraphs in British India significantly contributed to linking geographically dispersed commodity markets to each other to create a more unified economy.
In contrast to the abundant literature on railways, there are few studies of the impact of telegraphs—another revolutionary nineteenth-century technology—on price convergence. Most measure the impact on international commodity-price differences between developed countries given an efficient form of transportation: ocean shipping. This article estimates the impact of government telegraphs within a major developing economy—British India—which lacked efficient pre-railway transportation. We use data from almost 200 districts, collected for the period between 1862 and 1920, when over 13,000 district pairs were linked by government telegraphs. We estimate that before the introduction of railways, the presence of telegraphs reduced grain-price dispersion by 7%–13%. There were also spill-over effects on neighbouring districts, the timing of which strongly suggests causation from telegraphs to prices. The results imply that telegraphs played their own important role in the late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century market integration in the developing world. Like railroads, telegraphs in British India significantly contributed to linking geographically dispersed commodity markets to each other to create a more unified economy.
India–US Strategic Cooperation through the LEMOA Lens
India Quarterly, Volume 79, Issue 3, Page 304-317, September 2023.
Since Narendra Modi took office, India and the United States’ strategic ties have become stronger. It took almost 12 years to sign the ‘Logistics Exchange Memorandum of Agreement (LEMOA)’. The LEMOA offers a framework for governing the logistical assistance, supplies and services exchanged between the Indian and US forces on a reciprocal and reimbursable basis. Concerns in India’s strategic elite and political class over the endangerment of India’s strategic autonomy and compromising India’s sovereignty for a long time prevented the execution of this agreement. However, after the BJP government came to power in 2014, it negotiated this agreement with the United States. India has strategically moved closer to the United States by signing this agreement, which will have a lot of positive effects on the development of India’s strategic capabilities and the strengthening of Indian defence forces’ operational capabilities. It will also allow India to expand its strategic influence in the Indo-Pacific region. This study analyses the LEMOA, its implications for India’s strategic autonomy, and its subsequent implications for expanding India’s strategic footprint in the region.
Since Narendra Modi took office, India and the United States’ strategic ties have become stronger. It took almost 12 years to sign the ‘Logistics Exchange Memorandum of Agreement (LEMOA)’. The LEMOA offers a framework for governing the logistical assistance, supplies and services exchanged between the Indian and US forces on a reciprocal and reimbursable basis. Concerns in India’s strategic elite and political class over the endangerment of India’s strategic autonomy and compromising India’s sovereignty for a long time prevented the execution of this agreement. However, after the BJP government came to power in 2014, it negotiated this agreement with the United States. India has strategically moved closer to the United States by signing this agreement, which will have a lot of positive effects on the development of India’s strategic capabilities and the strengthening of Indian defence forces’ operational capabilities. It will also allow India to expand its strategic influence in the Indo-Pacific region. This study analyses the LEMOA, its implications for India’s strategic autonomy, and its subsequent implications for expanding India’s strategic footprint in the region.
India–US Strategic Cooperation through the LEMOA Lens
India Quarterly, Volume 79, Issue 3, Page 304-317, September 2023.
Since Narendra Modi took office, India and the United States’ strategic ties have become stronger. It took almost 12 years to sign the ‘Logistics Exchange Memorandum of Agreement (LEMOA)’. The LEMOA offers a framework for governing the logistical assistance, supplies and services exchanged between the Indian and US forces on a reciprocal and reimbursable basis. Concerns in India’s strategic elite and political class over the endangerment of India’s strategic autonomy and compromising India’s sovereignty for a long time prevented the execution of this agreement. However, after the BJP government came to power in 2014, it negotiated this agreement with the United States. India has strategically moved closer to the United States by signing this agreement, which will have a lot of positive effects on the development of India’s strategic capabilities and the strengthening of Indian defence forces’ operational capabilities. It will also allow India to expand its strategic influence in the Indo-Pacific region. This study analyses the LEMOA, its implications for India’s strategic autonomy, and its subsequent implications for expanding India’s strategic footprint in the region.
Since Narendra Modi took office, India and the United States’ strategic ties have become stronger. It took almost 12 years to sign the ‘Logistics Exchange Memorandum of Agreement (LEMOA)’. The LEMOA offers a framework for governing the logistical assistance, supplies and services exchanged between the Indian and US forces on a reciprocal and reimbursable basis. Concerns in India’s strategic elite and political class over the endangerment of India’s strategic autonomy and compromising India’s sovereignty for a long time prevented the execution of this agreement. However, after the BJP government came to power in 2014, it negotiated this agreement with the United States. India has strategically moved closer to the United States by signing this agreement, which will have a lot of positive effects on the development of India’s strategic capabilities and the strengthening of Indian defence forces’ operational capabilities. It will also allow India to expand its strategic influence in the Indo-Pacific region. This study analyses the LEMOA, its implications for India’s strategic autonomy, and its subsequent implications for expanding India’s strategic footprint in the region.
The Vanguard Brigade: An Appraisal of the United Nations’ Rapid Deployment Capabilities
India Quarterly, Volume 79, Issue 3, Page 405-424, September 2023.
Seventy-six years after its establishment, the United Nations (UN) today stands at a critical juncture where it must undertake radical reforms to remain relevant in the changing face of the twenty-first century. Such reforms are essential to prevent the UN from becoming redundant and being pushed to the sidelines of great power politics in the emerging multipolar world. While there has been much political clamour among the international community calling for the restructuring of the UN Security Council, which is also in the interest of India, an appraisal of the UN’s military capability to intervene in Contemporary Armed Conflicts under Chapter VII of its Charter needs to be assessed. The absence of a standing reserve and the procedural complexities involved in deriving the manpower for peacekeeping operations from the member states have undermined the UN’s capability to swiftly intervene in an escalating armed conflict even after getting approval from the Security Council. At present, a plethora of factors have resulted in the increasing volatility of contemporary armed conflicts. Under these circumstances, the UN’s capacity for swift intervention after the outbreak of a conflict has become even more relevant today than in the past. The creation of a UN Vanguard Brigade based on the recommendations given by the 2015 High-Level Independent Panel on Peace Operations is a major step in that direction. Using a case analysis of the Rwandan genocide, this article critically examines the challenges of the vanguard brigade to optimise the UN’s capability for rapid deployment of peacekeepers for swift intervention in an escalating Armed Conflict. The article is largely descriptive and analytical, using predominantly secondary sources and UN documents.
Seventy-six years after its establishment, the United Nations (UN) today stands at a critical juncture where it must undertake radical reforms to remain relevant in the changing face of the twenty-first century. Such reforms are essential to prevent the UN from becoming redundant and being pushed to the sidelines of great power politics in the emerging multipolar world. While there has been much political clamour among the international community calling for the restructuring of the UN Security Council, which is also in the interest of India, an appraisal of the UN’s military capability to intervene in Contemporary Armed Conflicts under Chapter VII of its Charter needs to be assessed. The absence of a standing reserve and the procedural complexities involved in deriving the manpower for peacekeeping operations from the member states have undermined the UN’s capability to swiftly intervene in an escalating armed conflict even after getting approval from the Security Council. At present, a plethora of factors have resulted in the increasing volatility of contemporary armed conflicts. Under these circumstances, the UN’s capacity for swift intervention after the outbreak of a conflict has become even more relevant today than in the past. The creation of a UN Vanguard Brigade based on the recommendations given by the 2015 High-Level Independent Panel on Peace Operations is a major step in that direction. Using a case analysis of the Rwandan genocide, this article critically examines the challenges of the vanguard brigade to optimise the UN’s capability for rapid deployment of peacekeepers for swift intervention in an escalating Armed Conflict. The article is largely descriptive and analytical, using predominantly secondary sources and UN documents.