Contemporary Voice of Dalit, Ahead of Print.
This article focuses on an interpretive approach to interpret the lyrics of Irulas of Attapadi, Kerala, India. India is a country that has a rich diversity of culture and folklore. Folklore occupied a pivotal place in the life and culture of people in India. Most of the tribal communities have their folk forms and songs. The knowledge and life experiences related to nature, myth, history, morals, rituals, taboos, etc, are conveyed through these songs. An attempt is made in the article to interpret the lyrics of Irula songs which they believe that the soul of the song lies in the lyrics. Further, an ethnographic attempt is made in the article to explore and analyse the lyrics of folk songs of the Irulas, how Irula maintained the bond with nature, through folklore tradition and to enquire what the contemporary existence, continuity and change of this folkloric tradition on the life and lore of Irula tribe of Kerala by using discourse analysis. For this article, we used both primary and secondary sources of data.
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Book review: Sonya Surabhi Gupta (Editor), Subalternities in India and Latin America: Dalit Autobiographies and the Testimonio
Contemporary Voice of Dalit, Ahead of Print.
Sonya Surabhi Gupta (Editor), Subalternities in India and Latin America: Dalit Autobiographies and the Testimonio, London, Routledge, 2022, 228 pp., ₹995. ISBN: 978-0-367-36097-9 (Paperback)
Sonya Surabhi Gupta (Editor), Subalternities in India and Latin America: Dalit Autobiographies and the Testimonio, London, Routledge, 2022, 228 pp., ₹995. ISBN: 978-0-367-36097-9 (Paperback)
Gendering Inter-caste Marriages: A Sociological and Anthropological Inquiry of Endogamy
Contemporary Voice of Dalit, Ahead of Print.
In Indian society, caste and gender are not mutually exclusive constructs. They coexist and are inseparable. India’s meteoric rise to becoming a nation least safe for women as Thomas Reuters reported in 2018, has its origins not only in patriarchy but also in casteism. This is most clearly visible with reference to the phenomenon of inter-caste marriages in India and the resulting perpetuation of atrocities on the inter-caste couple, and women have been the worst sufferers of this, since it is women’s bodies that has, since time immemorial, been the site of violence and discrimination. This can be corroborated by the fact that while Hindu scriptures has institutionalized inter-caste marriages, to a limited extent, by allowing anuloma marriages, it, in no way, allows for a pratiloma union. The anuloma marriages permit an alliance between a lower caste woman and a higher caste man, while the pratiloma form of marriage is an alliance between a higher caste woman and a lower caste man. The former is referred to as hypergamy and the latter as hypogamy. Thus, while caste discrimination and violence against women as distinct forms of oppression has garnered much attention, little sociological and anthropological research in the area of inter-caste marriage and its implications on women within the framework of religio-cultural, anthropological and sociological discourse, has come to the surface. The article focuses on fundamental prerequisites for a wholehearted acceptance of intermarriage.
In Indian society, caste and gender are not mutually exclusive constructs. They coexist and are inseparable. India’s meteoric rise to becoming a nation least safe for women as Thomas Reuters reported in 2018, has its origins not only in patriarchy but also in casteism. This is most clearly visible with reference to the phenomenon of inter-caste marriages in India and the resulting perpetuation of atrocities on the inter-caste couple, and women have been the worst sufferers of this, since it is women’s bodies that has, since time immemorial, been the site of violence and discrimination. This can be corroborated by the fact that while Hindu scriptures has institutionalized inter-caste marriages, to a limited extent, by allowing anuloma marriages, it, in no way, allows for a pratiloma union. The anuloma marriages permit an alliance between a lower caste woman and a higher caste man, while the pratiloma form of marriage is an alliance between a higher caste woman and a lower caste man. The former is referred to as hypergamy and the latter as hypogamy. Thus, while caste discrimination and violence against women as distinct forms of oppression has garnered much attention, little sociological and anthropological research in the area of inter-caste marriage and its implications on women within the framework of religio-cultural, anthropological and sociological discourse, has come to the surface. The article focuses on fundamental prerequisites for a wholehearted acceptance of intermarriage.
Caste Wise Earning Discrimination among Rural Non-farm Sector Workers in India
Contemporary Voice of Dalit, Ahead of Print.
This study investigates wage discrimination among non-farm workers, including both regular and casual workers, in rural India between the forward caste (FC) and backward caste (BC). Using data from NSSO unit-level employment and unemployment surveys from 2004–2005 and 2011–2012, as well as periodic labour force surveys from 2017–2018 to 2019–2020, the study found that the wage differential between FC and BC non-farm employees increased over time, with BC workers being paid less than FC workers. To determine the factors contributing to the wage difference, a linear regression model was used, and the decomposition method was employed to examine whether the difference was due to endowment or discrimination effects. Overall, the study highlights the persistence of caste-based wage discrimination in rural non-farm employment in India. For the betterment of BC workers and to reduce discrimination, the policies and programmes which are implemented by the government need to be revived.
This study investigates wage discrimination among non-farm workers, including both regular and casual workers, in rural India between the forward caste (FC) and backward caste (BC). Using data from NSSO unit-level employment and unemployment surveys from 2004–2005 and 2011–2012, as well as periodic labour force surveys from 2017–2018 to 2019–2020, the study found that the wage differential between FC and BC non-farm employees increased over time, with BC workers being paid less than FC workers. To determine the factors contributing to the wage difference, a linear regression model was used, and the decomposition method was employed to examine whether the difference was due to endowment or discrimination effects. Overall, the study highlights the persistence of caste-based wage discrimination in rural non-farm employment in India. For the betterment of BC workers and to reduce discrimination, the policies and programmes which are implemented by the government need to be revived.
The Political Economy Puzzle of Indian Agriculture: A Political Settlement Analysis
Contemporary Voice of Dalit, Ahead of Print.
In their influential paper for the National Council of Applied Economic Research, Chatterjee and Kapur raised some fundamental questions about Indian agriculture and why it has not transformed with economic development. They identify six important ‘puzzles’ in Indian agriculture, one of which is the political economy puzzle. This puzzle refers to the fact that farmers have not been able to leverage their power of land and numbers to economically benefit themselves. The essay utilizes the political settlements framework to understand the underlying causes of this puzzle. Such analysis is important as it recognizes the historical and sociocultural traditions to explain the economic phenomenon of the backwardness of Indian agriculture.
In their influential paper for the National Council of Applied Economic Research, Chatterjee and Kapur raised some fundamental questions about Indian agriculture and why it has not transformed with economic development. They identify six important ‘puzzles’ in Indian agriculture, one of which is the political economy puzzle. This puzzle refers to the fact that farmers have not been able to leverage their power of land and numbers to economically benefit themselves. The essay utilizes the political settlements framework to understand the underlying causes of this puzzle. Such analysis is important as it recognizes the historical and sociocultural traditions to explain the economic phenomenon of the backwardness of Indian agriculture.
The Other Family: Mapping Intersectionality and Female Manual Scavengers
Contemporary Voice of Dalit, Ahead of Print.
Conceptualizing the Paradigm Shift from Prosocial Communism to Violent Communism and Pogroms of Dalits to Adivasi Guerrillas in India: A Systematic Literature Review
Contemporary Voice of Dalit, Ahead of Print.
In India, the violent communist movement encompasses 70 districts of 10 states with substantial support from the marginalized people with arms in their hands. Why does the transformation process from a communist political party to violent communism take place in India? How does communism in its violent form still survive in India? These questions are addressed by reviewing the literature on the left-wing extremist movement in India from 2005 to 2022. It is found that the violent version of communism has largely succeeded in the domain of suppressing caste-based exploitations of the landless lower castes and gaining support from the indigenous tribes on land and forest-related issues. Therefore, the destination of communism in India is an important eventuality to study its survival strategies, diverse forms and processes.
In India, the violent communist movement encompasses 70 districts of 10 states with substantial support from the marginalized people with arms in their hands. Why does the transformation process from a communist political party to violent communism take place in India? How does communism in its violent form still survive in India? These questions are addressed by reviewing the literature on the left-wing extremist movement in India from 2005 to 2022. It is found that the violent version of communism has largely succeeded in the domain of suppressing caste-based exploitations of the landless lower castes and gaining support from the indigenous tribes on land and forest-related issues. Therefore, the destination of communism in India is an important eventuality to study its survival strategies, diverse forms and processes.
Caste Prejudice, Colonial Education in Kumaon: Dynamics of Depressed Class Education, 1881–1947
Contemporary Voice of Dalit, Ahead of Print.
From the last quarter of the eighteenth century, the East India Company slowly acquired the area which is now called Uttar Pradesh. Territories were acquired from different powers by the company were initially kept under Bengal Province. However, in 1833 these, areas were separated and a new province called North-Western Provinces was created. Again, after the annexation of Oudh, this province came to be called in 1877 as North-Western Provinces. The United Provinces of Agra and Oudh was changed to United Provinces in 1902 which later became present Uttar Pradesh. Colonial rule wanted to control the knowledge systems of the colonized. The epistemology and knowledge systems produced by the colonial state sought to create the feeling of interiority among the colonized people. Education is one such area through which the colonial state wanted to justify their rule. The British argued that Indians were inferior and justified their monopoly of all higher posts. They, further, pointed out that untouchability, rigid caste system are some of the reasons for inferiority. In this article, I would like to discuss the colonial state policy towards education of lower castes and depressed classes in Kumaon division of United Provinces of British India. I argue that although the British professed that it wanted to educate all people, yet in practice the colonial state gave in to the caste prejudices of the society and also because of its own ambivalent policy towards depressed classes. Doms constitute majority of Dalit community in Kumaon division of United Provinces from whom Shilpakar community emerged gradually.
From the last quarter of the eighteenth century, the East India Company slowly acquired the area which is now called Uttar Pradesh. Territories were acquired from different powers by the company were initially kept under Bengal Province. However, in 1833 these, areas were separated and a new province called North-Western Provinces was created. Again, after the annexation of Oudh, this province came to be called in 1877 as North-Western Provinces. The United Provinces of Agra and Oudh was changed to United Provinces in 1902 which later became present Uttar Pradesh. Colonial rule wanted to control the knowledge systems of the colonized. The epistemology and knowledge systems produced by the colonial state sought to create the feeling of interiority among the colonized people. Education is one such area through which the colonial state wanted to justify their rule. The British argued that Indians were inferior and justified their monopoly of all higher posts. They, further, pointed out that untouchability, rigid caste system are some of the reasons for inferiority. In this article, I would like to discuss the colonial state policy towards education of lower castes and depressed classes in Kumaon division of United Provinces of British India. I argue that although the British professed that it wanted to educate all people, yet in practice the colonial state gave in to the caste prejudices of the society and also because of its own ambivalent policy towards depressed classes. Doms constitute majority of Dalit community in Kumaon division of United Provinces from whom Shilpakar community emerged gradually.
Caste and Gender Politics: An Understanding of Dalit Consciousness in the Poems of Contemporary Dalit Writers
Contemporary Voice of Dalit, Ahead of Print.
Dalit women face endemic gender and caste discrimination and violence as a result of extreme unequal social, economic, and political power equations because of their vulnerability at the bottom of India’s caste, class, and gender hierarchies. Their socio-economic weakness and lack of political power, combined with the main risk factors of being Dalit and female, heighten their exposure to potentially violent Circumstances, hindering their rights to live with dignity and reach their full potential. The poems of three contemporary Dalit feminist writers, namely, Meena Kandasamy (1984–), Aruna Gogulamanda (1970–) and Sukirtharani (1973–) appear to be an encyclopaedia of painful catalogues, some heard and some experienced. Their witty arguments and unbashful and uncompromising writing style not only unleash the power/caste/sexual politics at hand but also suggest ways of emancipation for women and an era of liberation for them. The article aims to uncover the intersectionality of caste and gender—through a reading of select poets’ works—exposing the exploitation, oppression, violence and marginalization that reflects on the Dalit female body inhibiting from and affecting the physical, psychological, economic and social dimensions. It will do so by employing various post-modern critical scholarships on caste/gender politics, politics of the body, identity, self, subjectivity, agency, and its attendant issues. Thus, by using the female body as an ingress the article through critical analysis of the select poems will showcase a paradigm shift in understanding the self via body hence suggesting ways for Dalit women’s agency/emancipation. By highlighting the experiences of marginalized female voices, this research contributes to a deeper understanding of gender dynamics, caste politics within Indian society, ultimately prompting discussions on the need for caste and gender equity and inclusivity in contemporary India.
Dalit women face endemic gender and caste discrimination and violence as a result of extreme unequal social, economic, and political power equations because of their vulnerability at the bottom of India’s caste, class, and gender hierarchies. Their socio-economic weakness and lack of political power, combined with the main risk factors of being Dalit and female, heighten their exposure to potentially violent Circumstances, hindering their rights to live with dignity and reach their full potential. The poems of three contemporary Dalit feminist writers, namely, Meena Kandasamy (1984–), Aruna Gogulamanda (1970–) and Sukirtharani (1973–) appear to be an encyclopaedia of painful catalogues, some heard and some experienced. Their witty arguments and unbashful and uncompromising writing style not only unleash the power/caste/sexual politics at hand but also suggest ways of emancipation for women and an era of liberation for them. The article aims to uncover the intersectionality of caste and gender—through a reading of select poets’ works—exposing the exploitation, oppression, violence and marginalization that reflects on the Dalit female body inhibiting from and affecting the physical, psychological, economic and social dimensions. It will do so by employing various post-modern critical scholarships on caste/gender politics, politics of the body, identity, self, subjectivity, agency, and its attendant issues. Thus, by using the female body as an ingress the article through critical analysis of the select poems will showcase a paradigm shift in understanding the self via body hence suggesting ways for Dalit women’s agency/emancipation. By highlighting the experiences of marginalized female voices, this research contributes to a deeper understanding of gender dynamics, caste politics within Indian society, ultimately prompting discussions on the need for caste and gender equity and inclusivity in contemporary India.
Intersection of claim for Scheduled Tribe Status and Identity Politics among the Kurmi Mahto of Chotanagpur Region in India
Contemporary Voice of Dalit, Ahead of Print.
Various forms of protest such as rail-road roko and election boycott have been displayed by the Kurmi community to show their strength and legitimacy in their claim for Scheduled tribe status. By analysing pre-independence census data by British anthropologists, their study of culture and tribal way of life, and current socio-economic and political standing, the authors have attempted to trace the location of Kurmis (Mahto) of Chotanagpur region in the indigeneity discourse and their claim for ST status.
Various forms of protest such as rail-road roko and election boycott have been displayed by the Kurmi community to show their strength and legitimacy in their claim for Scheduled tribe status. By analysing pre-independence census data by British anthropologists, their study of culture and tribal way of life, and current socio-economic and political standing, the authors have attempted to trace the location of Kurmis (Mahto) of Chotanagpur region in the indigeneity discourse and their claim for ST status.