Contemporary Voice of Dalit, Ahead of Print.
All human beings are inherently motivated for self-improvement and growth. People tend to respond diversely in the face of adversity, from succumbing and recovering to remaining resilient and thrive. The present narrative review is not an exhaustive review of the existing literature on thriving but is an informed effort to add to the adolescent thriving discourse within the conceptual background of social marginality in the Indian context. This review thus defines and summarizes perspectives, determinants and assessment of thriving. It also discusses the interaction between social marginality, adversity and adolescences. Finally, this review discusses the opportunities opened by the new National Education Policy 2020 for thriving interventions and research.
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Placing the Dalit Women at the Intersections: A Sociological Study of Dom Women of Kolkata
Contemporary Voice of Dalit, Volume 15, Issue 1_suppl, Page S180-S187, August 2023.
This article uses Crenshaw’s (Standford Law Review, 1989, vol. 43, pp. 1241–1299) concept of intersectionality to understand the everyday experiences at the workplace of the lower-caste Dalit women belonging to the manual scavenging community (Dom community) of Kolkata, West Bengal. This article tries to map out and understand the concept of intersectionality by placing the Dalit women at the intersections of caste, class, and gender oppression and see how these structures play out in her everyday life. This article will attempt to place the experiences of the Dalit women vis-à-vis their male and upper-caste lower-class female counterparts to understand how their experiences are similar or different from them. This article is based on the narratives collected through interviews and tries to explore how lying at the intersections produces everyday instances of violence and humiliation for Dalit women. This article highlights how structures of oppression often overlap in various ways to produce our everyday lives.
This article uses Crenshaw’s (Standford Law Review, 1989, vol. 43, pp. 1241–1299) concept of intersectionality to understand the everyday experiences at the workplace of the lower-caste Dalit women belonging to the manual scavenging community (Dom community) of Kolkata, West Bengal. This article tries to map out and understand the concept of intersectionality by placing the Dalit women at the intersections of caste, class, and gender oppression and see how these structures play out in her everyday life. This article will attempt to place the experiences of the Dalit women vis-à-vis their male and upper-caste lower-class female counterparts to understand how their experiences are similar or different from them. This article is based on the narratives collected through interviews and tries to explore how lying at the intersections produces everyday instances of violence and humiliation for Dalit women. This article highlights how structures of oppression often overlap in various ways to produce our everyday lives.
Book review: Ghanshyam Shah, Kanak Kanti Bagchi and Vishwanatha Kalaiah (Eds.), Education and Caste in India: The Dalit Question
Contemporary Voice of Dalit, Ahead of Print.
Ghanshyam Shah, Kanak Kanti Bagchi and Vishwanatha Kalaiah (Eds.), Education and Caste in India: The Dalit Question (South Asia Edition). Routledge, 2020, 232 pp., ₹995 (Hardcover). ISBN: 978-0-367-74943-9.
Ghanshyam Shah, Kanak Kanti Bagchi and Vishwanatha Kalaiah (Eds.), Education and Caste in India: The Dalit Question (South Asia Edition). Routledge, 2020, 232 pp., ₹995 (Hardcover). ISBN: 978-0-367-74943-9.
Book review: Rup Kumar Barman, Paribarta Anusandhan: Rashtra, Nagarikatta, Bastuchyuti O Itihascharcha
Contemporary Voice of Dalit, Ahead of Print.
Rup Kumar Barman, Paribarta Anusandhan: Rashtra, Nagarikatta, Bastuchyuti O Itihascharcha. Gangchil, 2022, 170 pp. ₹450 (Hardback), ISBN: 978-93-93569-38-7.
Rup Kumar Barman, Paribarta Anusandhan: Rashtra, Nagarikatta, Bastuchyuti O Itihascharcha. Gangchil, 2022, 170 pp. ₹450 (Hardback), ISBN: 978-93-93569-38-7.
How the COVID-19 Pandemic has Affected Transgender Community People: Findings From a Telephonic Survey in Odisha
Contemporary Voice of Dalit, Ahead of Print.
Alike any other marginalized groups of people, the unexpected outbreak of COVID-19 virus has also catastrophically damaged the lifestyle of the transgender persons in Odisha. In order to understand the life struggle of transgender people during the world pandemic, this study is an attempt to examine their life experience throughout the pandemic and their strategic plans to deal with such tragic crisis. To materialize the above cited objectives, we have conducted 30 telephonic interviews from two cities (Cuttack and Bhubaneswar) of Odisha. We asked some open-ended questions regarding their struggle to survive, family support, availability of government assistances and accessibility of basic services and their mental conditions during the pandemic time. Our finding from the survey depicts that there was much fear and insecurity among the transgender people during the pandemic time. Because of the loss of basic earnings, shortage of foods and unavailability of other basic essentials, with the sense of group solidarity, they managed to survive with meagre substances. However, lack of family support during the pandemic, exclusion from government benefits, restrictions in social mobility and the fear of COVID-19 virus infection led to increase their mental distress and made their life more miserable.
Alike any other marginalized groups of people, the unexpected outbreak of COVID-19 virus has also catastrophically damaged the lifestyle of the transgender persons in Odisha. In order to understand the life struggle of transgender people during the world pandemic, this study is an attempt to examine their life experience throughout the pandemic and their strategic plans to deal with such tragic crisis. To materialize the above cited objectives, we have conducted 30 telephonic interviews from two cities (Cuttack and Bhubaneswar) of Odisha. We asked some open-ended questions regarding their struggle to survive, family support, availability of government assistances and accessibility of basic services and their mental conditions during the pandemic time. Our finding from the survey depicts that there was much fear and insecurity among the transgender people during the pandemic time. Because of the loss of basic earnings, shortage of foods and unavailability of other basic essentials, with the sense of group solidarity, they managed to survive with meagre substances. However, lack of family support during the pandemic, exclusion from government benefits, restrictions in social mobility and the fear of COVID-19 virus infection led to increase their mental distress and made their life more miserable.
The Myth of the Ten-Year Limit on Reservations and Dr Ambedkar’s Stance
Contemporary Voice of Dalit, Ahead of Print.
It is a common perception that the reservation framework for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes in India was supposed to last only for a period of 10 years, and that B. R. Ambedkar himself was a proponent of this view. This article analyses the historical material to argue that the supposed time limit on reservations is a falsehood. The initial time limit was imposed only on political reservations (subject to few conditions) and not on reservations in services and education. It would be demonstrated that Ambedkar was not in favour of any time limit even on political reservations, and that the temporary 10-year limit imposed on political reservation was a decision adopted by other members, who formed the majority in the Constituent Assembly. It would be further demonstrated that Ambedkar had suggested the method of constitutional amendments to keep increasing the initial time limit on political reservations.
It is a common perception that the reservation framework for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes in India was supposed to last only for a period of 10 years, and that B. R. Ambedkar himself was a proponent of this view. This article analyses the historical material to argue that the supposed time limit on reservations is a falsehood. The initial time limit was imposed only on political reservations (subject to few conditions) and not on reservations in services and education. It would be demonstrated that Ambedkar was not in favour of any time limit even on political reservations, and that the temporary 10-year limit imposed on political reservation was a decision adopted by other members, who formed the majority in the Constituent Assembly. It would be further demonstrated that Ambedkar had suggested the method of constitutional amendments to keep increasing the initial time limit on political reservations.
Demystifying the Myths Associated with Caste-Based Reservation
Contemporary Voice of Dalit, Ahead of Print.
Affirmative action of the State policy (caste-based reservation) was essentially inserted into the Constitution of India to bring historically exploited, discriminated and marginalized scheduled castes and schedule tribes into the mainstream public life by ensuring the dignity of life through better representational opportunities in public employment. Contrary to its professed aim, it has, in practice, ensured only a skewed representation of people from reserved castes. The conscious attempts are being made to slowly eroding it by vilifying it on various pretexts such as reservation is a compromise with merit, efficiency and the most deserving candidates suffer and so on. The underlying objective of such disparaged attempts is to replace caste-based reservation with an economic-based reservation which evidently defeats the very purpose of caste-based reservation. The introduction of 13-points roster system and 10% reservation are twin attacks on caste-based reservation in recent times apart from the otherwise ‘normalized’ attacks like privatizing the public sector, recruitment on contract/ad-hoc basis and tardy implementation of reservation policy apart from attempts to weaken and demonise SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act. These demonising and casteist attacks on caste-based reservation are clearly not isolated and disconnected but obvious manifestations of the interests of select castes. It defeats the essence of affirmative policy of the state. It is clearly a travesty of social justice. This article tries to explore and demystify different facets of reservation policy like the basis of reservation, flawed merit logic, the impact of privatization on reservation, newly introduced reservation for economically weaker section (EWS) and the way ahead to annihilate the caste system.
Affirmative action of the State policy (caste-based reservation) was essentially inserted into the Constitution of India to bring historically exploited, discriminated and marginalized scheduled castes and schedule tribes into the mainstream public life by ensuring the dignity of life through better representational opportunities in public employment. Contrary to its professed aim, it has, in practice, ensured only a skewed representation of people from reserved castes. The conscious attempts are being made to slowly eroding it by vilifying it on various pretexts such as reservation is a compromise with merit, efficiency and the most deserving candidates suffer and so on. The underlying objective of such disparaged attempts is to replace caste-based reservation with an economic-based reservation which evidently defeats the very purpose of caste-based reservation. The introduction of 13-points roster system and 10% reservation are twin attacks on caste-based reservation in recent times apart from the otherwise ‘normalized’ attacks like privatizing the public sector, recruitment on contract/ad-hoc basis and tardy implementation of reservation policy apart from attempts to weaken and demonise SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act. These demonising and casteist attacks on caste-based reservation are clearly not isolated and disconnected but obvious manifestations of the interests of select castes. It defeats the essence of affirmative policy of the state. It is clearly a travesty of social justice. This article tries to explore and demystify different facets of reservation policy like the basis of reservation, flawed merit logic, the impact of privatization on reservation, newly introduced reservation for economically weaker section (EWS) and the way ahead to annihilate the caste system.
Feminism of Charal
Contemporary Voice of Dalit, Volume 15, Issue 1_suppl, Page S139-S143, August 2023.
My article intends to focus on the prevalent silent predilection for mainstream feminism. Dalit feminism perpetrates through discrimination on the caste, class and gender struggle, whereas mainstream feminism has portrayed the struggle that centres around those who are higher in the caste hierarchy. Mainstream feminism has not yet delved into the struggle of those who are striving to raise their voice against the ‘triple monster’ as is coined by Bama in an interview. The triple monster here connotes caste, class and gender bias. My article will read the struggle of women Bangla Dalit writers who are suppressed and oppressed by this ‘triple Monster’.My primary text includes Chandalinir Kabita and Chandalini Bhone by Kalyani Thakur Charal. The article will also read Ami Kano Charal Likhi. Along with these, my article will bring in the contrast of women Dalit writers from another state, for instance, Bama from Tamil Nadu and Urmila Pawar from Maharashtra. The conflict lies here in the fact that the women Bangla Dalit writers in Bengal are subjugated extensively.The article will confront the struggle of Dalit feminism in a world where mainstream feminism reigns and rules securely. Against feminism, Kalyani Thakur Charal asserts that she prefers the term womanism more since womanism has penetrated through those layers that are not yet being evaded by mainstream feminism. Thereby, the article will bring in the concept of Dalit womanism along with the aforementioned statements.
My article intends to focus on the prevalent silent predilection for mainstream feminism. Dalit feminism perpetrates through discrimination on the caste, class and gender struggle, whereas mainstream feminism has portrayed the struggle that centres around those who are higher in the caste hierarchy. Mainstream feminism has not yet delved into the struggle of those who are striving to raise their voice against the ‘triple monster’ as is coined by Bama in an interview. The triple monster here connotes caste, class and gender bias. My article will read the struggle of women Bangla Dalit writers who are suppressed and oppressed by this ‘triple Monster’.My primary text includes Chandalinir Kabita and Chandalini Bhone by Kalyani Thakur Charal. The article will also read Ami Kano Charal Likhi. Along with these, my article will bring in the contrast of women Dalit writers from another state, for instance, Bama from Tamil Nadu and Urmila Pawar from Maharashtra. The conflict lies here in the fact that the women Bangla Dalit writers in Bengal are subjugated extensively.The article will confront the struggle of Dalit feminism in a world where mainstream feminism reigns and rules securely. Against feminism, Kalyani Thakur Charal asserts that she prefers the term womanism more since womanism has penetrated through those layers that are not yet being evaded by mainstream feminism. Thereby, the article will bring in the concept of Dalit womanism along with the aforementioned statements.
Reclaiming Ambedkar Within the Feminist Legacy
Contemporary Voice of Dalit, Ahead of Print.
Historically analysing the presence of reformers and women’s liberators during the era of national struggle, Ambedkar emerges as a strong advocate of women’s rights in his times. This article discusses Dr B. R. Ambedkar’s role in empowering Dalit and caste-Hindu women through his social and legal strategies. The article begins with an analysis of Ambedkar’s sociological essay ‘Castes in India’ and his timeless analysis of ‘women as gateways of the caste system’. Furthermore, the article traces the national discourse on domesticity of Indian womanhood in Colonial India by analysing Ambedkar’s article in Bahishkrut Bharat on Grihalakshmification of the caste-Hindu woman. The article argues that Ambedkar’s advocacy for women’s entry into the public sphere through employment, as opposed to her domestication, redefined gendered labour within a modern caste society. Despite Ambedkar’s contribution to women’s rights in India, his acceptance in the mainstream feminist movement has been slow and reluctant. Ambedkar’s recognition in the mainstream feminist movement, I argue, results from constant effort and critique by Dalit women which has ruptured the elitist discourse of the mainstream feminist movement by pinpointing the prevalent caste-privilege and caste-blindness in these spaces.
Historically analysing the presence of reformers and women’s liberators during the era of national struggle, Ambedkar emerges as a strong advocate of women’s rights in his times. This article discusses Dr B. R. Ambedkar’s role in empowering Dalit and caste-Hindu women through his social and legal strategies. The article begins with an analysis of Ambedkar’s sociological essay ‘Castes in India’ and his timeless analysis of ‘women as gateways of the caste system’. Furthermore, the article traces the national discourse on domesticity of Indian womanhood in Colonial India by analysing Ambedkar’s article in Bahishkrut Bharat on Grihalakshmification of the caste-Hindu woman. The article argues that Ambedkar’s advocacy for women’s entry into the public sphere through employment, as opposed to her domestication, redefined gendered labour within a modern caste society. Despite Ambedkar’s contribution to women’s rights in India, his acceptance in the mainstream feminist movement has been slow and reluctant. Ambedkar’s recognition in the mainstream feminist movement, I argue, results from constant effort and critique by Dalit women which has ruptured the elitist discourse of the mainstream feminist movement by pinpointing the prevalent caste-privilege and caste-blindness in these spaces.
Word, Books, and the World: Towards an Anti-caste Pedagogy
Contemporary Voice of Dalit, Ahead of Print.
The reservation policy in India claims to address caste discrimination by promoting equality through economic and educational opportunities. Equal opportunities, however, do not often translate into equality. Education remains one of the most prominent tools used to disseminate dominant ideologies and perpetuate oppression. Whether it is the Brahmanical control over Vedic knowledge or the colonial validation of English education as a superior form of knowledge, education inculcates among the oppressed the legitimacy of oppression. The traditional method of education suffers from what Paolo Freire calls ‘narration sickness’. In this form of imparting knowledge, there is usually a teacher who narrates/implants knowledge on the patient, silent, objectified students. This article argues that the challenges towards an egalitarian pedagogy emanate from the social identities rooted in caste that travel across the classrooms. By linking education with the nexus of networks of exclusion, this article aims to offer possible ways to achieve an alternative, emancipatory pedagogy.
The reservation policy in India claims to address caste discrimination by promoting equality through economic and educational opportunities. Equal opportunities, however, do not often translate into equality. Education remains one of the most prominent tools used to disseminate dominant ideologies and perpetuate oppression. Whether it is the Brahmanical control over Vedic knowledge or the colonial validation of English education as a superior form of knowledge, education inculcates among the oppressed the legitimacy of oppression. The traditional method of education suffers from what Paolo Freire calls ‘narration sickness’. In this form of imparting knowledge, there is usually a teacher who narrates/implants knowledge on the patient, silent, objectified students. This article argues that the challenges towards an egalitarian pedagogy emanate from the social identities rooted in caste that travel across the classrooms. By linking education with the nexus of networks of exclusion, this article aims to offer possible ways to achieve an alternative, emancipatory pedagogy.