Contemporary Voice of Dalit, Ahead of Print.
This article revisits Ambedkar’s speech ‘Annihilation of Caste’, the delivery of which was stalled as permission for it was withheld by the organization who had originally invited Ambedkar to deliver a talk on curbing denigrating social practices like ‘untouchability’. The article revisits this moment of denial as well as the speech in its written form and argues for the political significance both (the ‘speech’ and the ‘final act of denial’) hold in contemporary Indian socio-political culture with respect to caste and its ideological mechanisms. It is argued that the consequent ‘final un-deliverance of the speech’, owing to its cancellation by the Mandal, the conference organizer, accounts for political Hinduism’s ‘unthinkability’ to accept any intellectual that does not belong to the ‘upper’ caste/caste dominant to exegete on any matter requiring intellectual exercise. This article attempts a critique of this ‘unthinkability’, which it argues is a basic paradigm in the ideology of caste.
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Lived Realities of Socio-political Negotiations by Marginalized Groups and the Inherent Rationality of Caste-Based Power Negotiations: A Study of Khap Regions of Muzaffarnagar, Uttar Pradesh
Contemporary Voice of Dalit, Ahead of Print.
The article explores the lived realities of socio-political negotiations by marginalized groups and the inherent rationality of caste-based power negotiations at a micro level. It also explores the possibilities of alternate futures and alternate interpretations of the margins, through the study of caste-based negotiations and subversions in the Khap villages of western Uttar Pradesh. Stuart Hall, British Cultural theorist, draws attention to the perspective that cultural identification need not produce an essence but a positioning subject to the continuous ‘play’ of history, culture and power. B. R. Ambedkar had termed the hierarchical caste system in India as ‘graded inequality’, which resists any transformation in its oppressive framework because it gives a sense of superiority to each caste placed above the other in a descending order. Despite stiff resistance to any transformation, various forms of subversion—denting the rigid caste and cultural frames—exist in the Khap areas of western Uttar Pradesh.Ambedkar’s vision of a non-sectarian equitable new social order in combination with empirical study on the current socio-political negotiations by marginalized groups on the ground—with a hint to the possibilities of alternate futures through the efforts towards inducing a democratic environment—are explored here.
The article explores the lived realities of socio-political negotiations by marginalized groups and the inherent rationality of caste-based power negotiations at a micro level. It also explores the possibilities of alternate futures and alternate interpretations of the margins, through the study of caste-based negotiations and subversions in the Khap villages of western Uttar Pradesh. Stuart Hall, British Cultural theorist, draws attention to the perspective that cultural identification need not produce an essence but a positioning subject to the continuous ‘play’ of history, culture and power. B. R. Ambedkar had termed the hierarchical caste system in India as ‘graded inequality’, which resists any transformation in its oppressive framework because it gives a sense of superiority to each caste placed above the other in a descending order. Despite stiff resistance to any transformation, various forms of subversion—denting the rigid caste and cultural frames—exist in the Khap areas of western Uttar Pradesh.Ambedkar’s vision of a non-sectarian equitable new social order in combination with empirical study on the current socio-political negotiations by marginalized groups on the ground—with a hint to the possibilities of alternate futures through the efforts towards inducing a democratic environment—are explored here.
What Numbers Never Revealed: Tracing Dalit Christian Modernity Through Malayalam Literature
Contemporary Voice of Dalit, Ahead of Print.
Kerala has a long-standing history of Christianity as well as conversions. Conversions can be dated back to the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, which saw a large number of slave caste conversions. For the slave castes of Kerala—Pulayas and Parayas—Christianity offered a salvation from the circle of pollution. Scriptures provided the slave castes new vistas of knowledge which they encultured to form a counter discourse against the public sphere set up by the dominant castes. The public sphere of the Malayalee psyche was formed by the ideas of caste pollution, which restricted the slave castes from accessing the social space. A new Dalit perspective on the religious consciousness of the converted Christians will show the role of the Bible, Original Sin, and Repentance on their daily lives. Dalit Christian literature becomes the primary source where Christianity metamorphoses into an oppositional force in resisting oppression as well as in creating a social space with agency.
Kerala has a long-standing history of Christianity as well as conversions. Conversions can be dated back to the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, which saw a large number of slave caste conversions. For the slave castes of Kerala—Pulayas and Parayas—Christianity offered a salvation from the circle of pollution. Scriptures provided the slave castes new vistas of knowledge which they encultured to form a counter discourse against the public sphere set up by the dominant castes. The public sphere of the Malayalee psyche was formed by the ideas of caste pollution, which restricted the slave castes from accessing the social space. A new Dalit perspective on the religious consciousness of the converted Christians will show the role of the Bible, Original Sin, and Repentance on their daily lives. Dalit Christian literature becomes the primary source where Christianity metamorphoses into an oppositional force in resisting oppression as well as in creating a social space with agency.
Anand Teltumbde on Globalization and Ambedkar: A Left Perspective
Contemporary Voice of Dalit, Ahead of Print.
The left leaning or the Marxian school deals with the social, economic and political ideology or a movement, which aims at establishing a communist stateless society. According to the left-leaning thinkers, the proletarian rule will exist for some point of time, after which the state will wither away. In this case, understanding Ambedkar from a left perspective would be a new paradigm. Anand Teltumbde on one side says that Ambedkar was not a Marxist and that he was under the intellectual influence of his teachers, who were known as the Fabian socialists, and on the other side says that he practiced the class politics.
The left leaning or the Marxian school deals with the social, economic and political ideology or a movement, which aims at establishing a communist stateless society. According to the left-leaning thinkers, the proletarian rule will exist for some point of time, after which the state will wither away. In this case, understanding Ambedkar from a left perspective would be a new paradigm. Anand Teltumbde on one side says that Ambedkar was not a Marxist and that he was under the intellectual influence of his teachers, who were known as the Fabian socialists, and on the other side says that he practiced the class politics.
Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar’s Image and Thought as Perceived in Thailand From 1975 to 2017
Contemporary Voice of Dalit, Ahead of Print.
Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar (1891–1956), popularly known as Babasaheb Ambedkar, was an Indian jurist, economist, politician and social reformer who inspired the Dalit Buddhist movement and campaigned against social discrimination against untouchables (Dalits) while supporting the rights of women and labourers. This article examines how Ambedkar is characterized in Thai language academic and general writings published between 1975 and 2017. The paper is based on textual analysis that interprets the books and articles on Ambedkar in Thai language as primary sources for understanding his image and thought as portrayed in Thailand.Ambedkar’s forward-thinking ideas on democracy impressed Thai writers because Ambedkar attempted to dispense with the caste system and promote liberty, equality and fraternity among underprivileged communities in India. Ambedkar also served as chairman of drafting committee of Constitution and leader of the Dalit movement and community. Furthermore, Thai writers see Ambedkar’s ideas about Buddhism as qualifying him as a messiah or bodhisattva who revived a neo-Buddhist movement in India. Thai monks have served as significant intermediaries in narrating Ambedkar’s interpretation of Buddhism to the Thai Buddhist community because they have direct experience such as studying and staying in India. Academics and famous writers have also conveyed Ambedkar’s ideas about Buddhism and democracy, which qualify him as a modernist and maha manav [great man].
Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar (1891–1956), popularly known as Babasaheb Ambedkar, was an Indian jurist, economist, politician and social reformer who inspired the Dalit Buddhist movement and campaigned against social discrimination against untouchables (Dalits) while supporting the rights of women and labourers. This article examines how Ambedkar is characterized in Thai language academic and general writings published between 1975 and 2017. The paper is based on textual analysis that interprets the books and articles on Ambedkar in Thai language as primary sources for understanding his image and thought as portrayed in Thailand.Ambedkar’s forward-thinking ideas on democracy impressed Thai writers because Ambedkar attempted to dispense with the caste system and promote liberty, equality and fraternity among underprivileged communities in India. Ambedkar also served as chairman of drafting committee of Constitution and leader of the Dalit movement and community. Furthermore, Thai writers see Ambedkar’s ideas about Buddhism as qualifying him as a messiah or bodhisattva who revived a neo-Buddhist movement in India. Thai monks have served as significant intermediaries in narrating Ambedkar’s interpretation of Buddhism to the Thai Buddhist community because they have direct experience such as studying and staying in India. Academics and famous writers have also conveyed Ambedkar’s ideas about Buddhism and democracy, which qualify him as a modernist and maha manav [great man].
‘No Means No’: People’s Protest Against Hydroelectric Development in Kinnaur, Himachal Pradesh, India
Contemporary Voice of Dalit, Ahead of Print.
Development projects, primarily hydroelectric power projects, are considered viable renewable energy sources and contribute to sustaining the economy at large. However, it has been contested over excessive exploitation and appropriation of environment and ecology. Such development models have been challenged worldwide for threatening human survival degrading ecology and the environment. Hydroelectric development in the geographically fragile regions of the Himalayas is on the rise owing to the great potential of hydro energy in the region. This article examines the public protest against the hydroelectric project, the Jangi-Thopan-Powari Hydro Electric project, in the Kinnaur district of Himachal Pradesh.
Development projects, primarily hydroelectric power projects, are considered viable renewable energy sources and contribute to sustaining the economy at large. However, it has been contested over excessive exploitation and appropriation of environment and ecology. Such development models have been challenged worldwide for threatening human survival degrading ecology and the environment. Hydroelectric development in the geographically fragile regions of the Himalayas is on the rise owing to the great potential of hydro energy in the region. This article examines the public protest against the hydroelectric project, the Jangi-Thopan-Powari Hydro Electric project, in the Kinnaur district of Himachal Pradesh.
Dalit and the Historiography of Temple Entry Movements in India: Mapping Social Exclusion and Cultural Subjugation
Contemporary Voice of Dalit, Ahead of Print.
The period between colonialism and the twenty-first century gives horrible glimpses of temple entry and the violence attached with that. Keeping temple entry as an important issue in mind, here, the article reveals the social exclusion and the cultural subjugation of the Dalits since the colonial period to the present day. Dalits in the colonial period and also in present day are denied their social and religious rights in Hindu religion. The right to enter the temple is a fundamental right of a citizen in a religion like Hinduism. Among the various issues that Dalits have voiced since the colonial period, the issue of temple entry along with untouchability is one of the most important. It is not only a matter of excuse that Dalits till the present day (after seven decades of India’s independence) are not allowed to enter inside the temple in some rural areas of the country. The temple entry bill and the legislations have also been adopted by the princely states and the Parliament of India in different times, but still, Dalits are not allowed to enter the Hindu temples even in various parts of India, for instance, in the Kendrapara district of Odisha. As temple entry is an important issue for Dalits as well as for upper caste Hindus in social and religious life, it is pertinent to revisit the historiography of temple entry movements including the contemporary movements which remain important in religious, social and academic spheres. With the aforementioned backdrop, the article first provides a synoptic view on the historiography of Dalit movements in India and on ‘the Gandhi–Ambedkar debate on caste, untouchability and the issue of temple entry’ as a background for the study, and the latter sections thoroughly explores the historicity of temple entry movements and the social exclusion and cultural subjugation inherited with it since the colonial period to the present day. The article also provides a particular section on the temple entry movement in Odisha (2005–2006) which is based on the empirical works of the author and examines the issue in a critical lens with observations and findings.
The period between colonialism and the twenty-first century gives horrible glimpses of temple entry and the violence attached with that. Keeping temple entry as an important issue in mind, here, the article reveals the social exclusion and the cultural subjugation of the Dalits since the colonial period to the present day. Dalits in the colonial period and also in present day are denied their social and religious rights in Hindu religion. The right to enter the temple is a fundamental right of a citizen in a religion like Hinduism. Among the various issues that Dalits have voiced since the colonial period, the issue of temple entry along with untouchability is one of the most important. It is not only a matter of excuse that Dalits till the present day (after seven decades of India’s independence) are not allowed to enter inside the temple in some rural areas of the country. The temple entry bill and the legislations have also been adopted by the princely states and the Parliament of India in different times, but still, Dalits are not allowed to enter the Hindu temples even in various parts of India, for instance, in the Kendrapara district of Odisha. As temple entry is an important issue for Dalits as well as for upper caste Hindus in social and religious life, it is pertinent to revisit the historiography of temple entry movements including the contemporary movements which remain important in religious, social and academic spheres. With the aforementioned backdrop, the article first provides a synoptic view on the historiography of Dalit movements in India and on ‘the Gandhi–Ambedkar debate on caste, untouchability and the issue of temple entry’ as a background for the study, and the latter sections thoroughly explores the historicity of temple entry movements and the social exclusion and cultural subjugation inherited with it since the colonial period to the present day. The article also provides a particular section on the temple entry movement in Odisha (2005–2006) which is based on the empirical works of the author and examines the issue in a critical lens with observations and findings.
Basic Amenity and the Caste Conundrum: A Study of the Dalit Communities in East Uttar Pradesh
Contemporary Voice of Dalit, Ahead of Print.
Dalits lack the bare necessities, such as living in substandard houses with constrained space and rooms devoid of the kitchen, bathroom, and sanitation facilities; with a minuscule living area and limited access to safe drinking water. These aspects of civic amenities are empirically examined with qualitative and quantitative approach in east Uttar Pradesh using significant variables such as housing conditions, access to safe drinking water and toilet availability in households. The article also discuss the dimension and level of civic amenities in Dalit households. Based on research-based field data and ethnography, poverty and a lack of civic amenities are the convoluted pathways and fundamental causes of Dalit families living in poor health, unhygienic conditions and without sanitation. The explanation justifies how Dalits’ lack of public amenities, particularly in micro-settlements, intentionally manifests organized caste identity.
Dalits lack the bare necessities, such as living in substandard houses with constrained space and rooms devoid of the kitchen, bathroom, and sanitation facilities; with a minuscule living area and limited access to safe drinking water. These aspects of civic amenities are empirically examined with qualitative and quantitative approach in east Uttar Pradesh using significant variables such as housing conditions, access to safe drinking water and toilet availability in households. The article also discuss the dimension and level of civic amenities in Dalit households. Based on research-based field data and ethnography, poverty and a lack of civic amenities are the convoluted pathways and fundamental causes of Dalit families living in poor health, unhygienic conditions and without sanitation. The explanation justifies how Dalits’ lack of public amenities, particularly in micro-settlements, intentionally manifests organized caste identity.
Why the Aryans Still Matter? History, Historiography and Politics
Contemporary Voice of Dalit, Ahead of Print.
This review article ponders over the debate on the river Sarasvati’s association with the Harappan civilization through a critical analysis of G. D. Bakshi’s book The Sarasvati Civilization: A Paradigm Shift in Ancient Indian History (2019, Gurugram: Garuda Prakashan). By identifying the Rigvedic river Sarasvati with the now dry Ghaggar-Hakra, scholars like G. D. Bakshi co-relate the Vedic-Aryan culture with the Harappans and, by doing this, they Aryanize the Harappan civilization. Since the Aryans are accepted as the ancestors of the modern Hindus, by locating the origin of the Aryans within India, right-leaning scholars put forth the exclusive claim of the Hindu community over the Indian nation. Contrary to them, the left-liberal scholars endorse the Aryan migration theory, and it allows them to explain the origin of the Indian civilization due to the contribution of different ethnic, linguistic and cultural groups that have had migrated into India from faraway lands. It is argued in this review paper that the Aryan debate is more about politics than academic endeavour, and its primarily focus is on the following question: Who has a righteous claim over the Indian nation?
This review article ponders over the debate on the river Sarasvati’s association with the Harappan civilization through a critical analysis of G. D. Bakshi’s book The Sarasvati Civilization: A Paradigm Shift in Ancient Indian History (2019, Gurugram: Garuda Prakashan). By identifying the Rigvedic river Sarasvati with the now dry Ghaggar-Hakra, scholars like G. D. Bakshi co-relate the Vedic-Aryan culture with the Harappans and, by doing this, they Aryanize the Harappan civilization. Since the Aryans are accepted as the ancestors of the modern Hindus, by locating the origin of the Aryans within India, right-leaning scholars put forth the exclusive claim of the Hindu community over the Indian nation. Contrary to them, the left-liberal scholars endorse the Aryan migration theory, and it allows them to explain the origin of the Indian civilization due to the contribution of different ethnic, linguistic and cultural groups that have had migrated into India from faraway lands. It is argued in this review paper that the Aryan debate is more about politics than academic endeavour, and its primarily focus is on the following question: Who has a righteous claim over the Indian nation?
B. R. Ambedkar: The Messiah and Emancipator of Indian Women
Contemporary Voice of Dalit, Volume 15, Issue 1_suppl, Page S19-S32, August 2023.
Dr Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar was not only the father of the Indian Constitution or a vociferous critique of caste and untouchability but he was also a staunch supporter of women’s rights, their upliftment and emancipation. He strongly criticized the ancient lawgiver Manu and the Manusmrirti or Manav Dharma Shastra for showing contempt towards women and degrading them as slaves who are devoid of intellect. Manu denied women the right to chant Vedas, the right to education and the right to property. Ambedkar requested Indian women not to abide by the Manusmriti and to openly defy the laws of Manu. In order to ensure gender equality and the emancipation and progress of Indian women, he incorporated several articles in the Indian Constitution. As the first law minister of independent India, he introduced the Hindu Code Bill to safeguard the rights of Hindu women. It was due to his tireless efforts that the Constitution of independent India today incorporates several legislations to ensure the protection of women.
Dr Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar was not only the father of the Indian Constitution or a vociferous critique of caste and untouchability but he was also a staunch supporter of women’s rights, their upliftment and emancipation. He strongly criticized the ancient lawgiver Manu and the Manusmrirti or Manav Dharma Shastra for showing contempt towards women and degrading them as slaves who are devoid of intellect. Manu denied women the right to chant Vedas, the right to education and the right to property. Ambedkar requested Indian women not to abide by the Manusmriti and to openly defy the laws of Manu. In order to ensure gender equality and the emancipation and progress of Indian women, he incorporated several articles in the Indian Constitution. As the first law minister of independent India, he introduced the Hindu Code Bill to safeguard the rights of Hindu women. It was due to his tireless efforts that the Constitution of independent India today incorporates several legislations to ensure the protection of women.