International Review of Administrative Sciences, Ahead of Print.
In recent years, governments have increased their efforts to strengthen the citizen-orientation in policy design. They have established temporary arenas as well as permanent units inside the machinery of government to integrate citizens into policy formulation, leading to a “laboratorization” of central government organizations. We argue that the evolution and role of these units herald new dynamics in the importance of organizational reputation for executive politics. These actors deviate from the classic palette of organizational units inside the machinery of government and thus require their own reputation vis-à-vis various audiences within and outside their parent organization. Based on a comparative case study of two of these units inside the German federal bureaucracy, we show how ambiguous expectations of their audiences challenge their organizational reputation. Both units resolve these tensions by balancing their weaker professional and procedural reputation with a stronger performative and moral reputation. We conclude that government units aiming to improve citizen orientation in policy design may benefit from engaging with citizens as their external audience to compensate for a weaker reputation in the eyes of their audiences inside the government organization.Points for practitioners Many governments have introduced novel means to strengthen citizen-centered policy design, which has led to an emergence of novel units inside central government that differ from traditional bureaucratic structures and procedures.This study analyzes how these new units may build their organizational reputation vis-à-vis internal and external actors in government policymaking.We show that such units assert themselves primarily based on their performative and moral reputation.
Category Archives: International Review of Administrative Sciences:
Sustainable development goals in public administrations: Enabling conditions in local governments
International Review of Administrative Sciences, Ahead of Print.
Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) are a challenge that many public administrations face in promoting sustainable growth. Local governments, as the governmental tier closest to citizens, should deliberate upon strategies and actions attuned to achieving SDGs for the benefit of their communities. Through a comparative analysis of Italian and Spanish local governments, this research investigates the conditions that can support the achievement of SDGs. The results depict the political and financial levers that can stimulate politicians and policymakers in designing appropriate strategies and action plans towards the achievement of SDGs, while opening the path for further research that can support public administrations in their efforts at achieving sustainable growth.Points for practitionersSustainable Development Goals (SDGs) are believed to play a vital role in our society. They represent the background of strategies and policies implemented at a local government level; accordingly, politicians and public managers are key actors in achieving SDGs. Our study shows that local governments tend to implement sustainable policies despite the political ideology; results also illustrate that governing in large coalitions could be a hindrance to implementing sustainable policies. Furthermore, favourable financial conditions support the achievement of SDGs.
Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) are a challenge that many public administrations face in promoting sustainable growth. Local governments, as the governmental tier closest to citizens, should deliberate upon strategies and actions attuned to achieving SDGs for the benefit of their communities. Through a comparative analysis of Italian and Spanish local governments, this research investigates the conditions that can support the achievement of SDGs. The results depict the political and financial levers that can stimulate politicians and policymakers in designing appropriate strategies and action plans towards the achievement of SDGs, while opening the path for further research that can support public administrations in their efforts at achieving sustainable growth.Points for practitionersSustainable Development Goals (SDGs) are believed to play a vital role in our society. They represent the background of strategies and policies implemented at a local government level; accordingly, politicians and public managers are key actors in achieving SDGs. Our study shows that local governments tend to implement sustainable policies despite the political ideology; results also illustrate that governing in large coalitions could be a hindrance to implementing sustainable policies. Furthermore, favourable financial conditions support the achievement of SDGs.
Governing aid coordination in regional platforms: the G20 Compact with Africa case
International Review of Administrative Sciences, Ahead of Print.
The diversity and increasing number of development actors is a factor of complexity for recipient countries that puts at risk the efficiency of assistance delivery and undermines country ownership. The G20 Leaders have called on the international community to promote country platforms, owned by governments, to foster coordination among development partners and mobilize private investments. The objective of this study is to analyse the coordination exercise of the G20 Compact with Africa, a regional platform initiated under the Germany G20 Presidency in 2017, in line with its mandate to leverage private financing. In particular, we will investigate how the international community pursues common goals in the sectors of operations under the Compact with Africa and how Compact's countries structure their national development and sectoral strategies in synergy with development partners. The analysis will be triangulated through a documentary analysis and semi-structured interviews to assess how country platforms can contribute to promoting a coordinated approach among development partners in the definition of government priorities and attract private sector investments.Points for practitionersThe implications of this work emphasize that country platforms can act as a vehicle to harmonize, monitor, and narrow the number of development priorities in a country. For this mechanism to be effective, country leadership and ownership should be inclusive of all development partners and in line with governments’ needs and targets.
The diversity and increasing number of development actors is a factor of complexity for recipient countries that puts at risk the efficiency of assistance delivery and undermines country ownership. The G20 Leaders have called on the international community to promote country platforms, owned by governments, to foster coordination among development partners and mobilize private investments. The objective of this study is to analyse the coordination exercise of the G20 Compact with Africa, a regional platform initiated under the Germany G20 Presidency in 2017, in line with its mandate to leverage private financing. In particular, we will investigate how the international community pursues common goals in the sectors of operations under the Compact with Africa and how Compact's countries structure their national development and sectoral strategies in synergy with development partners. The analysis will be triangulated through a documentary analysis and semi-structured interviews to assess how country platforms can contribute to promoting a coordinated approach among development partners in the definition of government priorities and attract private sector investments.Points for practitionersThe implications of this work emphasize that country platforms can act as a vehicle to harmonize, monitor, and narrow the number of development priorities in a country. For this mechanism to be effective, country leadership and ownership should be inclusive of all development partners and in line with governments’ needs and targets.
Local governments’ communication on social media platforms: refining and assessing patterns of adoption in Belgium
International Review of Administrative Sciences, Ahead of Print.
This article relies on the literature on technology adoption and empirical studies on social media adoption in the public sector to analyze the case of Belgian municipalities. Our objective is threefold as we aim to: (a) provide a new approach to assess the adoption of social media platforms by governments, (b) describe the current situation in Belgium through the concept of “active adoption” and (c) determine the main factors that relate to the uptake of Facebook in Belgian municipalities over 10,000 inhabitants. To achieve these objectives, we used software to retrieve quantitative data regarding Facebook adoption and institutionalization. Our results reveal that municipality size, median age and longevity on the platform are positively associated with the adoption of Facebook. In contrast, median income is, surprisingly, negatively associated with several dimensions of active adoption. These findings contribute to the literature on the factors related to social media use. In addition, the new ways of uncovering social media adoption and institutionalization patterns provide a solid conceptual approach for future research. For practitioners, our study provides municipalities with a better assessment framework and offers them a new model to evaluate social media adoption, underlining the fundamental difference between registration and “active adoption”.Points for practitionersThis article provides a new approach to assess social media adoption and institutionalization patterns in public organizations. It offers a framework to evaluate social media adoption, underlining the fundamental difference between registration and ‘active adoption’. It also identifies the main factors that relate to the uptake of Facebook in Belgian municipalities over 10,000 inhabitants: population size, median age, median income and social media-related variables – that is, activity on Twitter and Instagram – as well as longevity on the platform.
This article relies on the literature on technology adoption and empirical studies on social media adoption in the public sector to analyze the case of Belgian municipalities. Our objective is threefold as we aim to: (a) provide a new approach to assess the adoption of social media platforms by governments, (b) describe the current situation in Belgium through the concept of “active adoption” and (c) determine the main factors that relate to the uptake of Facebook in Belgian municipalities over 10,000 inhabitants. To achieve these objectives, we used software to retrieve quantitative data regarding Facebook adoption and institutionalization. Our results reveal that municipality size, median age and longevity on the platform are positively associated with the adoption of Facebook. In contrast, median income is, surprisingly, negatively associated with several dimensions of active adoption. These findings contribute to the literature on the factors related to social media use. In addition, the new ways of uncovering social media adoption and institutionalization patterns provide a solid conceptual approach for future research. For practitioners, our study provides municipalities with a better assessment framework and offers them a new model to evaluate social media adoption, underlining the fundamental difference between registration and “active adoption”.Points for practitionersThis article provides a new approach to assess social media adoption and institutionalization patterns in public organizations. It offers a framework to evaluate social media adoption, underlining the fundamental difference between registration and ‘active adoption’. It also identifies the main factors that relate to the uptake of Facebook in Belgian municipalities over 10,000 inhabitants: population size, median age, median income and social media-related variables – that is, activity on Twitter and Instagram – as well as longevity on the platform.
The control of the policy advice industry: how patrons defer their decision-rights to think tank boards
International Review of Administrative Sciences, Volume 89, Issue 3, Page 808-824, September 2023.
Patrons of think tanks—for example, governments, corporations, philanthropists, NGOs, and so forth—may control think tanks’ boards, that is, their highest decision-making body. Whether patrons are likely to control boards is a question that remains under-explored and under-theorised in public administration and governance scholarship. It is posited that patrons are likely to control boards when the marginal benefit of partaking in decision-making does not exceed the cost of information transfer. The comparative examination of International Relations think tanks’ statutes shows that patron control is substantial. However, patronage does not always guarantee board control. Patron control is moderated by the nature of the transaction. The conclusion assesses patron control concerning decision-making processes in the think tank and the idiosyncratic character of policy advice.Points for practitionersPractitioners can assess events of goal displacement in think tanks by learning about mechanisms that facilitate or hinder patron control over think tanks. Laying out the conditions under which patrons exercise control, the latter turns out to be substantial despite not all patrons having control over think tank boards. Patron control is shown to depend on the position of stakeholders in the decision-making chain and the nonlinear relation between effort and influence in policy advice.
Patrons of think tanks—for example, governments, corporations, philanthropists, NGOs, and so forth—may control think tanks’ boards, that is, their highest decision-making body. Whether patrons are likely to control boards is a question that remains under-explored and under-theorised in public administration and governance scholarship. It is posited that patrons are likely to control boards when the marginal benefit of partaking in decision-making does not exceed the cost of information transfer. The comparative examination of International Relations think tanks’ statutes shows that patron control is substantial. However, patronage does not always guarantee board control. Patron control is moderated by the nature of the transaction. The conclusion assesses patron control concerning decision-making processes in the think tank and the idiosyncratic character of policy advice.Points for practitionersPractitioners can assess events of goal displacement in think tanks by learning about mechanisms that facilitate or hinder patron control over think tanks. Laying out the conditions under which patrons exercise control, the latter turns out to be substantial despite not all patrons having control over think tank boards. Patron control is shown to depend on the position of stakeholders in the decision-making chain and the nonlinear relation between effort and influence in policy advice.
Co-production before, during, and after the first COVID-19 lockdown: The case of developmental services for youth with disabilities
International Review of Administrative Sciences, Volume 89, Issue 3, Page 864-882, September 2023.
Co-production was vital to support public services provision during the first wave of COVID-19 pandemic, and one of the main challenges for service providers is to make co-production sustainable. There are few empirical studies on the sustainability of co-production from a long-term perspective. This study aims to contribute to this topic by exploring the micro-level foundations of co-production persistence through a longitudinal qualitative study in three public service organizations providing developmental services for youth with disabilities. Co-production is analyzed along the service provision process before, during and after the first COVID-19 lockdown, with specific attention on exploring how the conditions for sustainable co-production – mutual commitment, complementarities and institutional arrangements – occur and reinforce one another after an external shock. The findings suggest that the persistence of co-production is a result of a process in which experimentation with new complementarities can enhance previous co-production experiences and generate a context of mutual commitment that facilitates future co-production initiatives and their institutionalization.Points for practitionersThis article suggests how service providers can activate a potential virtuous cycle of co-production by increasing the opportunities that foster and sustain users and families' self-efficacy and reciprocal trust, and the contributions from wider social support networks of the most vulnerable people.
Co-production was vital to support public services provision during the first wave of COVID-19 pandemic, and one of the main challenges for service providers is to make co-production sustainable. There are few empirical studies on the sustainability of co-production from a long-term perspective. This study aims to contribute to this topic by exploring the micro-level foundations of co-production persistence through a longitudinal qualitative study in three public service organizations providing developmental services for youth with disabilities. Co-production is analyzed along the service provision process before, during and after the first COVID-19 lockdown, with specific attention on exploring how the conditions for sustainable co-production – mutual commitment, complementarities and institutional arrangements – occur and reinforce one another after an external shock. The findings suggest that the persistence of co-production is a result of a process in which experimentation with new complementarities can enhance previous co-production experiences and generate a context of mutual commitment that facilitates future co-production initiatives and their institutionalization.Points for practitionersThis article suggests how service providers can activate a potential virtuous cycle of co-production by increasing the opportunities that foster and sustain users and families' self-efficacy and reciprocal trust, and the contributions from wider social support networks of the most vulnerable people.
Corruption risk analysis in local public procurement: a look at the Àrea Metropolitana de Barcelona
International Review of Administrative Sciences, Volume 89, Issue 3, Page 919-934, September 2023.
Over the past years, the anti-corruption strategy in public administrations has been shifting from a formal way of control towards a risk management and assessment one. However, it is not clear whether these legal reforms at EU and at national level are reaching local institutions. The study evaluates the degree of compliance of the Greater Metropolitan Area of Barcelona by analysing a set of indicators divided into five main areas: codes of ethics, oversight bodies, transparency, conflicts of interests, and whistleblowing channels and protection. The results show that, even if there are also positive outcomes, the process of transforming the public administration and its contracting bodies towards a culture of integrity or risk management is still far from complete at local levels, and there are still institutional and normative shortcomings in terms of anti-corruption strategy and planning that should be promptly addressed.Points for practitionersThis article explores the impact of the current anti-corruption legislation on local governments and public bodies. It analyses the state of development of four key public procurement areas of action within the Metropolitan Area of Barcelona, gathering 170 entities of different legal nature and size. The results show that the impact of European and national legislations seems to be still weak in local administrative structures, although the degree of development varies significantly among different types of entities.
Over the past years, the anti-corruption strategy in public administrations has been shifting from a formal way of control towards a risk management and assessment one. However, it is not clear whether these legal reforms at EU and at national level are reaching local institutions. The study evaluates the degree of compliance of the Greater Metropolitan Area of Barcelona by analysing a set of indicators divided into five main areas: codes of ethics, oversight bodies, transparency, conflicts of interests, and whistleblowing channels and protection. The results show that, even if there are also positive outcomes, the process of transforming the public administration and its contracting bodies towards a culture of integrity or risk management is still far from complete at local levels, and there are still institutional and normative shortcomings in terms of anti-corruption strategy and planning that should be promptly addressed.Points for practitionersThis article explores the impact of the current anti-corruption legislation on local governments and public bodies. It analyses the state of development of four key public procurement areas of action within the Metropolitan Area of Barcelona, gathering 170 entities of different legal nature and size. The results show that the impact of European and national legislations seems to be still weak in local administrative structures, although the degree of development varies significantly among different types of entities.
Governance and public policies: Support for women entrepreneurs in France and England?
International Review of Administrative Sciences, Ahead of Print.
We extend the current literature on barriers to women’s entrepreneurship by providing the perspectives of women entrepreneurs’ lived experience of governance and public policies designed to support entrepreneurship, in France and England. The research draws on primary data comprising interviews with 75 French and English women entrepreneurs as well as secondary data. The research suggests that in France the system of governance is relatively more supportive, whereas in England there are less favourable views of bureaucracy and the conditionality of financial policy instruments, which in turn create unintended outcomes. We extend current understandings of gendered public policies and governance.Points for practitionersThe public policy and governance context in France offers relatively more support for women entrepreneurs than in England. There is a potential for policy learning in how to support women entrepreneurs.Financial policy instruments such as social welfare payments may affect women entrepreneurship.Bureaucracy creates time and opportunity costs for women entrepreneurs, which have a gendered impact if they are single parents and have dependents.
We extend the current literature on barriers to women’s entrepreneurship by providing the perspectives of women entrepreneurs’ lived experience of governance and public policies designed to support entrepreneurship, in France and England. The research draws on primary data comprising interviews with 75 French and English women entrepreneurs as well as secondary data. The research suggests that in France the system of governance is relatively more supportive, whereas in England there are less favourable views of bureaucracy and the conditionality of financial policy instruments, which in turn create unintended outcomes. We extend current understandings of gendered public policies and governance.Points for practitionersThe public policy and governance context in France offers relatively more support for women entrepreneurs than in England. There is a potential for policy learning in how to support women entrepreneurs.Financial policy instruments such as social welfare payments may affect women entrepreneurship.Bureaucracy creates time and opportunity costs for women entrepreneurs, which have a gendered impact if they are single parents and have dependents.
Eradicating extreme poverty in Africa through productive inclusion: A comparative assessment of two social protection programmes in Ghana
International Review of Administrative Sciences, Volume 89, Issue 3, Page 883-900, September 2023.
Ghana has experimented with two social protection programmes: the Livelihood Empowerment Against Poverty (LEAP) programme, and the Japan Social Development Fund (JSDF) pilot project aimed at reducing extreme poverty and enhancing the standard of living of beneficiaries. This study comparatively assessed how the LEAP programme and the JSDF-LEAP project have contributed to improving the standard of living of beneficiaries. A sample of 167 respondents, comprising 81 LEAP households, 82 JSDF-LEAP beneficiaries and four District Social Welfare Officers took part in the study. The study findings suggest that cash transfers alone such as the LEAP programme may not yield significant improvement in the standard of living of the extremely poor without complementary programmes such as the JSDF-LEAP project to address the livelihood and other socio-economic challenges that they encounter. The study recommends a holistic approach to tackling extreme poverty through ‘cash plus’ programmes.Points for practitionersThe findings of this study highlight the need for public administration practitioners involved in poverty eradication programmes to pursue a simultaneous design involving the implementation of both cash transfers and productive inclusion programmes as the preferred strategy for improving the standard of living of the extremely poor. Moreover, this research has also revealed that for social protection programmes to be successfully implemented, carefully designed systems and structures must be put in place at the national level, through the regional, district and community levels at the design and implementation phases of such interventions.
Ghana has experimented with two social protection programmes: the Livelihood Empowerment Against Poverty (LEAP) programme, and the Japan Social Development Fund (JSDF) pilot project aimed at reducing extreme poverty and enhancing the standard of living of beneficiaries. This study comparatively assessed how the LEAP programme and the JSDF-LEAP project have contributed to improving the standard of living of beneficiaries. A sample of 167 respondents, comprising 81 LEAP households, 82 JSDF-LEAP beneficiaries and four District Social Welfare Officers took part in the study. The study findings suggest that cash transfers alone such as the LEAP programme may not yield significant improvement in the standard of living of the extremely poor without complementary programmes such as the JSDF-LEAP project to address the livelihood and other socio-economic challenges that they encounter. The study recommends a holistic approach to tackling extreme poverty through ‘cash plus’ programmes.Points for practitionersThe findings of this study highlight the need for public administration practitioners involved in poverty eradication programmes to pursue a simultaneous design involving the implementation of both cash transfers and productive inclusion programmes as the preferred strategy for improving the standard of living of the extremely poor. Moreover, this research has also revealed that for social protection programmes to be successfully implemented, carefully designed systems and structures must be put in place at the national level, through the regional, district and community levels at the design and implementation phases of such interventions.
How does the government interact with citizens within an electronic governance system? Selective government responsiveness
International Review of Administrative Sciences, Ahead of Print.
Democratic governments, owing to limited resources, have no choice but to respond selectively to citizens’ preferences. This study focuses on the characteristic of selective government responsiveness and explores the influencing factors. We argue that institutional and political resources affect selective government responsiveness, and we try to prove this argument through Korea's electronic governance system: the Korean National Petition. Specifically, this article collects and analyzes a unique data set of petitions and government responses in the system between September 2017 and December 2020. The results from multinomial logistic regression showed that government response to petitions differs depending on institutional resources. In addition, in the case of political resources, the influence of the resources on selective responsiveness is different according to incentives to be responsive.Points for practitionersThis article reveals that the government shows selective government responsiveness to citizens’ preferences within the electronic governance (e-governance) system according to its resources. This result provides practical lessons for practitioners who are concerned about an e-governance system as a space for communication between the government and citizens. In addition, this article suggests a new direction for scholars by presenting empirical evidence for government responsiveness in governance, which has been primarily conceptually studied because it is difficult to measure directly.
Democratic governments, owing to limited resources, have no choice but to respond selectively to citizens’ preferences. This study focuses on the characteristic of selective government responsiveness and explores the influencing factors. We argue that institutional and political resources affect selective government responsiveness, and we try to prove this argument through Korea's electronic governance system: the Korean National Petition. Specifically, this article collects and analyzes a unique data set of petitions and government responses in the system between September 2017 and December 2020. The results from multinomial logistic regression showed that government response to petitions differs depending on institutional resources. In addition, in the case of political resources, the influence of the resources on selective responsiveness is different according to incentives to be responsive.Points for practitionersThis article reveals that the government shows selective government responsiveness to citizens’ preferences within the electronic governance (e-governance) system according to its resources. This result provides practical lessons for practitioners who are concerned about an e-governance system as a space for communication between the government and citizens. In addition, this article suggests a new direction for scholars by presenting empirical evidence for government responsiveness in governance, which has been primarily conceptually studied because it is difficult to measure directly.