Party Politics, Ahead of Print.
Category Archives: Party Politics:
Book review: Ideology and organization in Indian politics: Polarization and the growing crisis of the Congress party (2009–2019)
Party Politics, Ahead of Print.
“Dark” positivity: Do candidates with a more aversive personality use positive campaigning more often?
Party Politics, Ahead of Print.
Although positive campaigning is a widely used communication strategy in election campaigns, determinants aside from political characteristics and gender are largely unknown. However, the personality traits of candidates could affect campaigning strategies beyond these factors. Recent research shows that people with an aversive (“dark”) personality tend to self-promote and are attracted to leadership positions. Transferring these findings to self-promotion in election campaigns, I ask if candidates with a more aversive personality use positive campaigning more often. 2,133 candidates who ran for 10 state parliaments in Germany in 2021, 2022, and 2023 self-reported how often they used positive campaigning. Analyses via structural equation modeling show that the candidates’ aversive personality is positively and significantly related to their use of positive campaigning and that this relationship holds when controlling for political and sociodemographic characteristics. The implications of the findings and potential pathways for further research are discussed.
Although positive campaigning is a widely used communication strategy in election campaigns, determinants aside from political characteristics and gender are largely unknown. However, the personality traits of candidates could affect campaigning strategies beyond these factors. Recent research shows that people with an aversive (“dark”) personality tend to self-promote and are attracted to leadership positions. Transferring these findings to self-promotion in election campaigns, I ask if candidates with a more aversive personality use positive campaigning more often. 2,133 candidates who ran for 10 state parliaments in Germany in 2021, 2022, and 2023 self-reported how often they used positive campaigning. Analyses via structural equation modeling show that the candidates’ aversive personality is positively and significantly related to their use of positive campaigning and that this relationship holds when controlling for political and sociodemographic characteristics. The implications of the findings and potential pathways for further research are discussed.
Erratum to “20 years of niche parties being ‘fundamentally different’: Party constituency versus mean voter representation on multiple issues”
Party Politics, Ahead of Print.
Class differences in precarity and welfare priorities within Europe’s center-left coalitions
Party Politics, Ahead of Print.
Mainstream European left-wing parties have seen their traditional class base evolve in postindustrial economies. In response, these parties have adjusted their platforms to adopt policies that aim to secure positions for workers in a more volatile labor market through education and training. But how does the electoral appeal of this “social investment” paradigm compare to that of the older welfare paradigm that passively distributes benefits to the poor and inactive? Using cross-country data from two surveys, I find that the policy preferences of industrial workers respond differently to labor market precarity than do those of service sector workers, particularly sociocultural professionals. Further, industrial workers who prefer traditional welfare policies are less likely to vote for the center-left than professionals, even if those professionals hold similar policy priorities. These results help explain the center-left’s recent electoral trends while also highlighting current limitations on building cross-class political coalitions in postindustrial economies.
Mainstream European left-wing parties have seen their traditional class base evolve in postindustrial economies. In response, these parties have adjusted their platforms to adopt policies that aim to secure positions for workers in a more volatile labor market through education and training. But how does the electoral appeal of this “social investment” paradigm compare to that of the older welfare paradigm that passively distributes benefits to the poor and inactive? Using cross-country data from two surveys, I find that the policy preferences of industrial workers respond differently to labor market precarity than do those of service sector workers, particularly sociocultural professionals. Further, industrial workers who prefer traditional welfare policies are less likely to vote for the center-left than professionals, even if those professionals hold similar policy priorities. These results help explain the center-left’s recent electoral trends while also highlighting current limitations on building cross-class political coalitions in postindustrial economies.
Digitalisation and political parties in Europe
Party Politics, Ahead of Print.
In this article we have attempted to improve our understanding of the influence of various factors, such as the level of organizational resources, age, ideology and values, on the digitalization of political parties oriented towards participation and resource mobilization. To do this, we use version four of the Political Party Database Round (PPDB) (2022), which covers 187 parties in 26 European countries. We focus on 10 of the largest party families. The data and variables have been analyzed using various descriptive and inferential statistics. The results indicate an important level of similarity between political parties in the adoption of digital instruments. The level of resources, age and ideology, and values associated with the different party families present important explanatory and predictive limitations. We consider that the indicated results may be a consequence of a process of institutional isomoformism.
In this article we have attempted to improve our understanding of the influence of various factors, such as the level of organizational resources, age, ideology and values, on the digitalization of political parties oriented towards participation and resource mobilization. To do this, we use version four of the Political Party Database Round (PPDB) (2022), which covers 187 parties in 26 European countries. We focus on 10 of the largest party families. The data and variables have been analyzed using various descriptive and inferential statistics. The results indicate an important level of similarity between political parties in the adoption of digital instruments. The level of resources, age and ideology, and values associated with the different party families present important explanatory and predictive limitations. We consider that the indicated results may be a consequence of a process of institutional isomoformism.
Book Review: Coalition agreements as control devices: Coalition governance in Western and Eastern Europe
Party Politics, Ahead of Print.
‘When in Rome do as the Romans do’ or ‘Rome is for Romans only’? How the search for a classification of the Finns Party could clear a way through the taxonomical jungle of the European far-right
Party Politics, Ahead of Print.
The first aim of this study is to put the Finns Party on the academic map of the European far-right. Whilst averaging almost one-fifth of the vote over the last four general elections, it has been curiously absent from the comparative parties’ literature. The second aim is to consider how the search for an appropriate classification of the Finns Party might help to navigate a way through the terminological maze of parties parading under the European far-right umbrella. The starting point is a simple, working definition of the two main sub-types – radical right and extreme right – which the article provides. It also canvasses wider recognition of the intraparty dynamics and coalitional character of far-right parties and the need to incorporate a greater role for social media into work on party classification, not least in providing a mouthpiece for extremist elements. In the Finns Party’s case, an online extreme-right faction was able to exert disproportionate influence within, and ultimately capture the party.
The first aim of this study is to put the Finns Party on the academic map of the European far-right. Whilst averaging almost one-fifth of the vote over the last four general elections, it has been curiously absent from the comparative parties’ literature. The second aim is to consider how the search for an appropriate classification of the Finns Party might help to navigate a way through the terminological maze of parties parading under the European far-right umbrella. The starting point is a simple, working definition of the two main sub-types – radical right and extreme right – which the article provides. It also canvasses wider recognition of the intraparty dynamics and coalitional character of far-right parties and the need to incorporate a greater role for social media into work on party classification, not least in providing a mouthpiece for extremist elements. In the Finns Party’s case, an online extreme-right faction was able to exert disproportionate influence within, and ultimately capture the party.
Book review: Democratic partisanship: Party activism in an age of democratic crises
Party Politics, Ahead of Print.
Harmony and dissonance: Unveiling issue linkages between voters and parties across EU democracies
Party Politics, Ahead of Print.
This research delves into the abundant landscape of party positioning data, highlighting a scarcity of interconnected voter and party positioning sources. Leveraging Voting Advice Applications (VAAs), this study explores congruence from a comparative standpoint, capturing political preferences on the same scale and timeframe. Analysing data from two pan-European VAAs, EU Profiler and euandi, congruence is evaluated based on voter’s alignment with their preferred party across three issue dimensions. Findings underscore varying linkage strengths, particularly evident in a narrower representation on cultural and gender issues compared to economic ones. The study underscores the advantages of VAA data, urging a shift beyond the left-right continuum for a comprehensive understanding of party-voter congruence in a dynamic political landscape.
This research delves into the abundant landscape of party positioning data, highlighting a scarcity of interconnected voter and party positioning sources. Leveraging Voting Advice Applications (VAAs), this study explores congruence from a comparative standpoint, capturing political preferences on the same scale and timeframe. Analysing data from two pan-European VAAs, EU Profiler and euandi, congruence is evaluated based on voter’s alignment with their preferred party across three issue dimensions. Findings underscore varying linkage strengths, particularly evident in a narrower representation on cultural and gender issues compared to economic ones. The study underscores the advantages of VAA data, urging a shift beyond the left-right continuum for a comprehensive understanding of party-voter congruence in a dynamic political landscape.