Party Politics, Ahead of Print.
Politicians’ perceptions of public opinion matter for substantive representation, but previous work has concluded that they do not have very accurate perceptions of voters’ policy preferences. We add to the debate on the drivers of perceptual accuracy by exploring whether politicians have a more accurate understanding of public opinion when it matters either to voters or themselves, or when politicians think it matters more to voters. Drawing on survey data collected among elected representatives and citizens in Belgium, Canada, Switzerland, and Germany, we show that politicians have a better understanding of public opinion when they think the issue matters to voters. Further, when an issue is personally important to politicians they more accurately estimate their party supporters’ opinions. The results confirm that politicians hold more accurate perceptions of voters’ preferences when they think it is important to do so, but not necessarily when the issues actually are important to voters.
Navigating Pakistan’s Religious, Social and Political Fault Lines in the 1980s: Contemporary Trends and Relevance
Studies in Indian Politics, Ahead of Print.
How do sociopolitical developments in the 1980s endure in contemporary Pakistan? The article answers this question across three dimensions: first, the religious, as witnessed in General Zia-ul-Haq’s weaponization of blasphemy laws that shaped the rise of a majoritarian political actor in the shape of the Tehreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan (TLP) in 2017. Second, the social, with Zia-ul-Haq’s Islamization laws denigrating the agency of women leading to their resolute mobilization in the 1980s and again in 2018 in the shape of the Aurat March and Aurat Azadi March movements. Finally, the political, where the military takeover in 1977 invited a counter-movement in the form of the Movement for the Restoration of Democracy (MRD) in 1981. In 2020, opposition parties formed the Pakistan Democratic Movement (PDM) as a counterweight to the incumbent civil-military hybrid regime. The article concludes that Pakistan’s failure to improve on the religious, societal and political indicators lies at the core of its dishevelled polity.
How do sociopolitical developments in the 1980s endure in contemporary Pakistan? The article answers this question across three dimensions: first, the religious, as witnessed in General Zia-ul-Haq’s weaponization of blasphemy laws that shaped the rise of a majoritarian political actor in the shape of the Tehreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan (TLP) in 2017. Second, the social, with Zia-ul-Haq’s Islamization laws denigrating the agency of women leading to their resolute mobilization in the 1980s and again in 2018 in the shape of the Aurat March and Aurat Azadi March movements. Finally, the political, where the military takeover in 1977 invited a counter-movement in the form of the Movement for the Restoration of Democracy (MRD) in 1981. In 2020, opposition parties formed the Pakistan Democratic Movement (PDM) as a counterweight to the incumbent civil-military hybrid regime. The article concludes that Pakistan’s failure to improve on the religious, societal and political indicators lies at the core of its dishevelled polity.
Disability and postcolonialism
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Fragility as metaphor: disability, difference and postcoloniality in Firdaus Kanga’s Trying to Grow
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Between Fundamentalist Anvil and Red Hammer: How the 1980s Sculpted Afghan Women Movement
Studies in Indian Politics, Ahead of Print.
The 1980s proved critical not merely for contemporary Afghan history but also for the women’s struggle in Afghanistan. Showcasing Afghan women’s struggles, this article argues that the 1980s proved crucial in shaping feminist debates in Afghanistan. Arguably, Afghan women’s lived experience from the 1980s drove home the conclusion that foreign occupation does not bring women freedoms, while religious tapestries to sugarcoat secular women’s demands reinforce patriarchy. They learnt in the 1980s that their struggles antecede and should succeed foreign interventions. It was, therefore, understandable that the first demonstration against the Taliban, when they re-entered Kabul in August 2021, was held by women.
The 1980s proved critical not merely for contemporary Afghan history but also for the women’s struggle in Afghanistan. Showcasing Afghan women’s struggles, this article argues that the 1980s proved crucial in shaping feminist debates in Afghanistan. Arguably, Afghan women’s lived experience from the 1980s drove home the conclusion that foreign occupation does not bring women freedoms, while religious tapestries to sugarcoat secular women’s demands reinforce patriarchy. They learnt in the 1980s that their struggles antecede and should succeed foreign interventions. It was, therefore, understandable that the first demonstration against the Taliban, when they re-entered Kabul in August 2021, was held by women.
Book review: Arkotong Longkumer, The Greater India Experiment: Hindutva and the Northeast
Studies in Indian Politics, Ahead of Print.
Arkotong Longkumer, The Greater India Experiment: Hindutva and the Northeast. Delhi: Navayana, 2022, 336 pp., ₹599.
Arkotong Longkumer, The Greater India Experiment: Hindutva and the Northeast. Delhi: Navayana, 2022, 336 pp., ₹599.
Secularization, De-secularization and Re-secularization in Bangladesh: Does the ‘Third Image’ Matter?
Studies in Indian Politics, Ahead of Print.
This article analyses the trajectories of secularization, de-secularization and re-secularization in Bangladesh. It is about mapping broad historical developments with reference to basic understanding of secularization and its progress in Bangladesh. The central question in the article is: How have the trajectories of secularization, de-secularization and re-secularization in Bangladesh been influenced by the nexus of internal–external dynamics of political and social forces developed in the 1980s? The article argues that a decisive attempt to rediscover liberal and secular character of politics is currently evident in Bangladesh. The attempt to reestablish secularism in the society also faces a host of challenges, stemming from national, regional and global contexts that echo the 1980s. Methodologically, it is based on policy outlook and trend analysis.
This article analyses the trajectories of secularization, de-secularization and re-secularization in Bangladesh. It is about mapping broad historical developments with reference to basic understanding of secularization and its progress in Bangladesh. The central question in the article is: How have the trajectories of secularization, de-secularization and re-secularization in Bangladesh been influenced by the nexus of internal–external dynamics of political and social forces developed in the 1980s? The article argues that a decisive attempt to rediscover liberal and secular character of politics is currently evident in Bangladesh. The attempt to reestablish secularism in the society also faces a host of challenges, stemming from national, regional and global contexts that echo the 1980s. Methodologically, it is based on policy outlook and trend analysis.
Book review: The case for the centre right
Party Politics, Ahead of Print.
A climate fit for capitalism: ordoliberalism’s political ecology and German environmental politics
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Dialectics of impairment: historical anxieties in late-colonial Bengali fictional narratives on disability
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