Volume 33, Issue 4, September 2023
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Survival of the social? Effects of intra-party cooperation on MP renomination
Party Politics, Ahead of Print.
Parties are the nucleus of modern parliaments. Therefore it is crucial to understand cooperation and competition within parties. In most parliaments, we can observe some form of cooperation, like cosponsorship.In this paper, cosponsorship is used to identify the relationships of MPs within their parliamentary party group, and to infer whether this relational position has an effect on their reselection. Are better embedded and connected MPs more likely to be reselected? Do peers matter in reselection? This question is also of theoretical interest in the light of competing principals (Carey, 2007).The empirical analysis first replicates the model of MP renomination by Baumann et al. (2017), adding a new data set from the German Bundestag, used to provide the relational independent variables of cosponsorship centrality. The key finding of the analysis is indeed: cosponsorship closeness is a significant predictor of MP reselection and can be seen as a compelling complement to the model by Baumann et al.With cooperation shown to be significant when it comes to renomination, the understanding of peer-induced competition, competing principals theory can be further developed, to aid our understanding of MP cooperation and competition, delegation, agency and collective principals in modern parties.
Parties are the nucleus of modern parliaments. Therefore it is crucial to understand cooperation and competition within parties. In most parliaments, we can observe some form of cooperation, like cosponsorship.In this paper, cosponsorship is used to identify the relationships of MPs within their parliamentary party group, and to infer whether this relational position has an effect on their reselection. Are better embedded and connected MPs more likely to be reselected? Do peers matter in reselection? This question is also of theoretical interest in the light of competing principals (Carey, 2007).The empirical analysis first replicates the model of MP renomination by Baumann et al. (2017), adding a new data set from the German Bundestag, used to provide the relational independent variables of cosponsorship centrality. The key finding of the analysis is indeed: cosponsorship closeness is a significant predictor of MP reselection and can be seen as a compelling complement to the model by Baumann et al.With cooperation shown to be significant when it comes to renomination, the understanding of peer-induced competition, competing principals theory can be further developed, to aid our understanding of MP cooperation and competition, delegation, agency and collective principals in modern parties.
Caste politics, minority representation, and social mobility: the associational life of Muslim caste in India
Afterword: questions for the study of Muslim castes and anti-caste Islam
National Policies on Immigration Detention and the Global Compacts: A Comparative Analysis of Canada and France
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Islamism, party change, and strategic conciliation: Evidence from Tunisia
Party Politics, Ahead of Print.
What happens to an Islamist party after moderating its behaviour and ideology? Existing work on Islamist parties has elaborated the varied causes of moderation. Yet, the mixed findings do not capture the full range of Islamist dynamics. This article draws on a multiyear, interview-based study of the Tunisian Islamist party Ennahda to interrogate the process of intraparty change after moderation. Islamist parties face a two-level problem with external and internal trade-offs. I argue that the intraparty characteristics that enable moderation may also contribute to undermining a party’s institutional structure and identity as it responds to an uncertain political context. These findings bring processual evidence from Islamist parties into broader explanations of party change and highlight the ongoing effects of moderation, not just its causes.
What happens to an Islamist party after moderating its behaviour and ideology? Existing work on Islamist parties has elaborated the varied causes of moderation. Yet, the mixed findings do not capture the full range of Islamist dynamics. This article draws on a multiyear, interview-based study of the Tunisian Islamist party Ennahda to interrogate the process of intraparty change after moderation. Islamist parties face a two-level problem with external and internal trade-offs. I argue that the intraparty characteristics that enable moderation may also contribute to undermining a party’s institutional structure and identity as it responds to an uncertain political context. These findings bring processual evidence from Islamist parties into broader explanations of party change and highlight the ongoing effects of moderation, not just its causes.
WhatsApp and political communication in West Africa: Accounting for differences in parties’ organization and message discipline online
Party Politics, Ahead of Print.
Social media has become central to how political parties plan, organize, and coordinate electoral campaigns in Africa, with WhatsApp increasingly the preferred medium. How, we ask, have African political parties made use of WhatsApp to organize internally during elections, and what explains the approaches they have taken? We argue that pre-existing party institutionalization is the main factor influencing how parties use WhatsApp to organize and coordinate campaign events, and reach voters. Comparing Ghana and Nigeria, we show that more institutionalized parties create formal, hierarchical online structures, with in-group policing of message content. Conversely, less institutionalized parties rely on informal, personality-based online structures with unclear hierarchies and where there is little message discipline. This matters both for the spread of mis/disinformation and inflammatory content online, and for parties’ future organizational strength. In both instances, “digital clientelism” ensures that existing patrimonial structures are replicated online, restricting the empowerment of new political actors.
Social media has become central to how political parties plan, organize, and coordinate electoral campaigns in Africa, with WhatsApp increasingly the preferred medium. How, we ask, have African political parties made use of WhatsApp to organize internally during elections, and what explains the approaches they have taken? We argue that pre-existing party institutionalization is the main factor influencing how parties use WhatsApp to organize and coordinate campaign events, and reach voters. Comparing Ghana and Nigeria, we show that more institutionalized parties create formal, hierarchical online structures, with in-group policing of message content. Conversely, less institutionalized parties rely on informal, personality-based online structures with unclear hierarchies and where there is little message discipline. This matters both for the spread of mis/disinformation and inflammatory content online, and for parties’ future organizational strength. In both instances, “digital clientelism” ensures that existing patrimonial structures are replicated online, restricting the empowerment of new political actors.
What matter matters as a matter of justice?
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Earth system boundaries and Earth system justice: sharing the ecospace
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Book review: Fuzuo Wu, Energy and Climate Policies in China and India: A Two-Level Comparative Study
China Report, Volume 59, Issue 3, Page 337-339, August 2023.
Fuzuo Wu, Energy and Climate Policies in China and India: A Two-Level Comparative Study (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2018), XV + 314 pp. US$ 30.99 (Paperback), ISBN: 1108420400
Fuzuo Wu, Energy and Climate Policies in China and India: A Two-Level Comparative Study (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2018), XV + 314 pp. US$ 30.99 (Paperback), ISBN: 1108420400