Party Politics, Ahead of Print.
Little research has focused on how legislative candidates’ personal electoral support develops over time and why. This study examines the vote trajectories of individual candidates and how they vary according to candidates’ personal vote-earning attributes. Longitudinal data on over 1700 candidates who between 1999 and 2019 participated in two or more parliamentary elections in the Finnish open-list proportional representation system are analysed. The findings show that the average legislative candidate’s personal support increases more rapidly in the beginning of his or her electoral career and then slows down gradually over time. However, there is large heterogeneity in vote trajectories depending on candidates’ socio-demographic characteristics and personal vote-earning attributes. Some candidates enjoy instant success (local councillors and celebrity candidates), others do not win more votes initially but manage to build loyal personal followings in their district and receive positive returns from repeated candidacy (young, women, and locally rooted candidates).
A human right to political membership & the right to territory
Journal of International Political Theory, Volume 20, Issue 1, Page 2-21, February 2024.
The global justice debates frame the right to political membership and territorial rights by focusing on stateless individuals/refugees as claimants of the former and sovereign states as the claimants of the latter. Kant’s Right to Hospitality is often employed to reinforce this mode of framing rights. However, this mode of framing rights can lead to possible neglect of a people as an equally important right claimant. I employ a context-oriented interpretation of Kant’s right to Hospitality to highlight the non-state people’s claims to political membership and territory. I suggest that in Kant, while the non-state people are not in a civil condition, we can nevertheless recognize their provisional claims to the territory, which are forceful enough to exclude outsiders. Furthermore, the non-state people cannot be forced into a political membership with us or each other because we do not know the nature of obligations they may have towards each other. Recognizing these limits of our understanding can encourage philosophically thought-out modes of reframing indigenous people’s claims in our theoretical debates. In practice, it can promote an insightful attitude in negotiating their terms of political membership and land claims against the sovereign states.
The global justice debates frame the right to political membership and territorial rights by focusing on stateless individuals/refugees as claimants of the former and sovereign states as the claimants of the latter. Kant’s Right to Hospitality is often employed to reinforce this mode of framing rights. However, this mode of framing rights can lead to possible neglect of a people as an equally important right claimant. I employ a context-oriented interpretation of Kant’s right to Hospitality to highlight the non-state people’s claims to political membership and territory. I suggest that in Kant, while the non-state people are not in a civil condition, we can nevertheless recognize their provisional claims to the territory, which are forceful enough to exclude outsiders. Furthermore, the non-state people cannot be forced into a political membership with us or each other because we do not know the nature of obligations they may have towards each other. Recognizing these limits of our understanding can encourage philosophically thought-out modes of reframing indigenous people’s claims in our theoretical debates. In practice, it can promote an insightful attitude in negotiating their terms of political membership and land claims against the sovereign states.
Towards a Global Urban Geopolitics: Inhabiting Violence
A multi-stage and multi-actor perspective on intra-party competition: Introduction to the symposium
Party Politics, Ahead of Print.
In contemporary representative democracies, political competition is not only taking place between political parties but also within parties. Hitherto, research on such intra-party competition has been mostly focused on the electoral dimension, mainly looking at the distribution of preference votes among co-partisans running on the same party list. In this introduction to our symposium on intra-party competition, we argue that intra-party competition occurs in other stages of the electoral cycle than elections and involves the strategic behaviour of more actors than electoral candidates. We present an original conceptual model that introduces a multi-stage and multi-actor perspective on intra-party competition, including three stages (the nomination stage, the electoral stage and the post-electoral stage) and three key actors (voters, politicians and parties). Based on our novel conceptual model, we provide examples of strategic behaviour of each actor in each of the stages. We further introduce each contribution of this symposium and present how each contribution relates to our multi-stage and multi-actor model of intra-party competition.
In contemporary representative democracies, political competition is not only taking place between political parties but also within parties. Hitherto, research on such intra-party competition has been mostly focused on the electoral dimension, mainly looking at the distribution of preference votes among co-partisans running on the same party list. In this introduction to our symposium on intra-party competition, we argue that intra-party competition occurs in other stages of the electoral cycle than elections and involves the strategic behaviour of more actors than electoral candidates. We present an original conceptual model that introduces a multi-stage and multi-actor perspective on intra-party competition, including three stages (the nomination stage, the electoral stage and the post-electoral stage) and three key actors (voters, politicians and parties). Based on our novel conceptual model, we provide examples of strategic behaviour of each actor in each of the stages. We further introduce each contribution of this symposium and present how each contribution relates to our multi-stage and multi-actor model of intra-party competition.
Social Media and Collective Action in Brazil: The Experience of Truck Drivers and Delivery Workers
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How did COVID-19 Pandemic Affect the Rural (Tribal) Livelihoods? A Case Study of Khaprakhol Block
Contemporary Voice of Dalit, Ahead of Print.
The COVID-19 epidemic has devastated human existence over the planet, shocking people with the new sickness and almost bringing countries to their knees. It was a never-before-seen scene of limited human movements and changing behaviours. Although the good consequences benefit the environment and wild animals by reducing pollution, the adverse effects have a direct impact on the economic status of human beings. The situation was new to all living beings, and difficulties were generated globally, irrespective of rural and urban. The study attempts to discover the key problems of the rural people faced during the lockdown and the effects of the COVID-19 pandemic on their livelihoods. This article also aims to figure out the difficulties faced by rural living for their livelihood. This study is based on primary data and the data collected from the rural living of Balangir (khaprakhol block) district of Odisha. The data collection method was based on random sampling, and a total number of 100 rural living households were interviewed. The data were analysed by descriptive statistics and suitable statistical tools. The outcome of this study is that rural living has faced movement difficulties and trouble for getting work. It has been witnessed that they could not get the marketing facilities to sell their agricultural products. Moreover, rural households were paid higher prices for daily stuff in their locality or village shops. As a result, it was a terrible period for them since employment and money resources made it possible to cope with the increased market price of everyday items. Though the study area is near the forest area and situated in the foothill of Gandhamardan hill, most of the local people depend on forest products as their source of income. The collection of forest products is also affected badly during the collection season by the COVID-19 pandemic and lockdown. Regardless of the movement concerns, they were unable to work. Due to employment loss, the disturbance altered the dietary and nutrition profile of rural residents. At the same time, they claimed that MGNREGS work was ongoing but that it was not preferable to work owing to late payment to the bank account. Finally, this article focuses on the rural residents’ livelihoods, which were negatively impacted by the lockdown, and job loss was a constraint for them during the lockdown.
The COVID-19 epidemic has devastated human existence over the planet, shocking people with the new sickness and almost bringing countries to their knees. It was a never-before-seen scene of limited human movements and changing behaviours. Although the good consequences benefit the environment and wild animals by reducing pollution, the adverse effects have a direct impact on the economic status of human beings. The situation was new to all living beings, and difficulties were generated globally, irrespective of rural and urban. The study attempts to discover the key problems of the rural people faced during the lockdown and the effects of the COVID-19 pandemic on their livelihoods. This article also aims to figure out the difficulties faced by rural living for their livelihood. This study is based on primary data and the data collected from the rural living of Balangir (khaprakhol block) district of Odisha. The data collection method was based on random sampling, and a total number of 100 rural living households were interviewed. The data were analysed by descriptive statistics and suitable statistical tools. The outcome of this study is that rural living has faced movement difficulties and trouble for getting work. It has been witnessed that they could not get the marketing facilities to sell their agricultural products. Moreover, rural households were paid higher prices for daily stuff in their locality or village shops. As a result, it was a terrible period for them since employment and money resources made it possible to cope with the increased market price of everyday items. Though the study area is near the forest area and situated in the foothill of Gandhamardan hill, most of the local people depend on forest products as their source of income. The collection of forest products is also affected badly during the collection season by the COVID-19 pandemic and lockdown. Regardless of the movement concerns, they were unable to work. Due to employment loss, the disturbance altered the dietary and nutrition profile of rural residents. At the same time, they claimed that MGNREGS work was ongoing but that it was not preferable to work owing to late payment to the bank account. Finally, this article focuses on the rural residents’ livelihoods, which were negatively impacted by the lockdown, and job loss was a constraint for them during the lockdown.
Does Economic Basis of Reservation Weaken Constitutionalism in India?
Contemporary Voice of Dalit, Ahead of Print.
Reservations and affirmative action are significant Constitutional intervention in India to compensate the historical injustices based on discriminatory caste system. The independent India saw various challenges to these policies and has further strengthened the foundations of them. But the recent judgement in upholding the reservation for economically weaker sections has challenged some of the founding principles of social justice in India, by moving away from compensatory discrimination basis of our reservation policy. This article explains the foundations of reservations in India and questions the Constitutional validity of the recent judgement in upholding reservation based solely on economic criteria.
Reservations and affirmative action are significant Constitutional intervention in India to compensate the historical injustices based on discriminatory caste system. The independent India saw various challenges to these policies and has further strengthened the foundations of them. But the recent judgement in upholding the reservation for economically weaker sections has challenged some of the founding principles of social justice in India, by moving away from compensatory discrimination basis of our reservation policy. This article explains the foundations of reservations in India and questions the Constitutional validity of the recent judgement in upholding reservation based solely on economic criteria.
The why of candidate selection. How party selectors handle trade-offs between party goals
Party Politics, Ahead of Print.
While the knowledge on how candidate selection happens is flourishing, remarkably little attention has been paid to the selection criteria. Why do selectors prefer some candidates? This study investigates the intricated trade-offs party selectors face when having to compromise between the pursuit of three core party goals: unity, policy, and victory. When candidates score lower on one goal, do selectors favour candidates following the party line, skilled for politics or able to garner votes? Relying on 23 in-depth interviews with party selectors from three Belgian francophone parties (Social Democrats, Greens, and Liberals), this research offers insight into how selectors balance their choices between candidates in a PR list context where the group equilibrium is almost as important as individual assets. I point out the interconnections selectors consider between selection criteria, and hence the need to regard the full picture instead of criteria on their own when studying intra-party competition at the nomination stage.
While the knowledge on how candidate selection happens is flourishing, remarkably little attention has been paid to the selection criteria. Why do selectors prefer some candidates? This study investigates the intricated trade-offs party selectors face when having to compromise between the pursuit of three core party goals: unity, policy, and victory. When candidates score lower on one goal, do selectors favour candidates following the party line, skilled for politics or able to garner votes? Relying on 23 in-depth interviews with party selectors from three Belgian francophone parties (Social Democrats, Greens, and Liberals), this research offers insight into how selectors balance their choices between candidates in a PR list context where the group equilibrium is almost as important as individual assets. I point out the interconnections selectors consider between selection criteria, and hence the need to regard the full picture instead of criteria on their own when studying intra-party competition at the nomination stage.
Walking the Talk: How to Identify Anti-Pluralist Parties
Party Politics, Ahead of Print.
The recent increase of democratic declines around the world – “the third wave of autocratization” – has sparked a new generation of studies on the topic. Scholars tend to agree that the main threat to contemporary democracy arises from democratically elected rulers who gradually erode democratic norms. Is it possible to identify future autocratizers before they win power in elections? Linz (1978) and Levitsky and Ziblatt (2018) suggest that a lacking commitment to democratic norms reveals would-be autocratizers before they reach office. This article argues that the concept of anti-pluralism rather than populism or extreme ideology captures this. We use a new expert-coded data set on virtually all relevant political parties worldwide from 1970 to 2019 (V-Party) to create a new Anti-Pluralism Index (API) to provide the first systematic empirical test of this argument. We find substantial evidence validating that the API and Linz’s litmus-test indicators signal leaders and parties that will derail democracy if and when they come into power.
The recent increase of democratic declines around the world – “the third wave of autocratization” – has sparked a new generation of studies on the topic. Scholars tend to agree that the main threat to contemporary democracy arises from democratically elected rulers who gradually erode democratic norms. Is it possible to identify future autocratizers before they win power in elections? Linz (1978) and Levitsky and Ziblatt (2018) suggest that a lacking commitment to democratic norms reveals would-be autocratizers before they reach office. This article argues that the concept of anti-pluralism rather than populism or extreme ideology captures this. We use a new expert-coded data set on virtually all relevant political parties worldwide from 1970 to 2019 (V-Party) to create a new Anti-Pluralism Index (API) to provide the first systematic empirical test of this argument. We find substantial evidence validating that the API and Linz’s litmus-test indicators signal leaders and parties that will derail democracy if and when they come into power.
Traversing Borders and Creating Networks at Sea: The Case of Fishers in the South China Sea
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