Volume 24, Issue 2, June 2023, Page 224-241
.
Raids and Routes: The Intractable Fluidity of Conflict in the Postcolony
.
Horror Vacui: Da’esh and the Inter-Territory Effect
.
Education, Social Exclusion and Inclusive Framework: A Perspective from Dalit Women
Contemporary Voice of Dalit, Ahead of Print.
The modest attempt of this article is to understand the social exclusion of women in general and Dalit women in particular. This article intends to argue that education is a key instrument for the development of Dalit women to get liberation from the oppressive structures of Hindu caste-patriarchy. Education ultimately ensures the re-establishment of a new social order based on inclusive values. As it is noted that women are one of the largest socially segregated groups in the world. Among them, Dalit women are most segregated and excluded from all the public and private spheres. It is found that Dalit women in India are placed at the bottom of society due to unjust social order. They are segregated and excluded based on their caste, class and gender identity. Every day, approximately four Dalit women and girls are being gang-raped and brutally murdered. It can be argued that Dalit women as an identity but also their issues and concerns are segregated and excluded. This article explores the mechanisms of segregation and exclusion of Dalit women’s identity and their issues. Along with this, the article traces the role of education in the social exclusion and emancipation of Dalit women. Further, this article explores the kind of perspective and framework that Dalit women need to overcome their historical exclusion and marginalization.
The modest attempt of this article is to understand the social exclusion of women in general and Dalit women in particular. This article intends to argue that education is a key instrument for the development of Dalit women to get liberation from the oppressive structures of Hindu caste-patriarchy. Education ultimately ensures the re-establishment of a new social order based on inclusive values. As it is noted that women are one of the largest socially segregated groups in the world. Among them, Dalit women are most segregated and excluded from all the public and private spheres. It is found that Dalit women in India are placed at the bottom of society due to unjust social order. They are segregated and excluded based on their caste, class and gender identity. Every day, approximately four Dalit women and girls are being gang-raped and brutally murdered. It can be argued that Dalit women as an identity but also their issues and concerns are segregated and excluded. This article explores the mechanisms of segregation and exclusion of Dalit women’s identity and their issues. Along with this, the article traces the role of education in the social exclusion and emancipation of Dalit women. Further, this article explores the kind of perspective and framework that Dalit women need to overcome their historical exclusion and marginalization.
A novel way of being together? On the depoliticising effects of attributing rights to nature
DOES SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA’S RAPID POPULATION GROWTH HAVE POSITIVE OR NEGATIVE EFFECTS ON AGGREGATE DOMESTIC INVESTMENT?
World Affairs, Volume 186, Issue 3, Page 806-824, FALL 2023.
This study examines the effect of population growth on aggregate domestic investments in 45 Sub-Saharan African (SSA) countries over the period 2000–2020. It applies the Quantile Method of Moments with fixed effects (i.e., MM-QR), which has the ability to identify both negative and positive effects while controlling for trade, HIV/AIDS prevalence, and economic growth. The findings show that SSA’s rapid population growth has a positive and statistically significant effect on aggregate domestic investments. Findings from this study show that an increase in population growth in the 10th to 60th quantiles is associated with an increase of domestic investment in SSA. This suggests that, as the population grows in SSA, it generates demand for domestic investments such as healthcare services, education, and other social services. Our findings also show that trade is positive and significant across all quantiles (10th to 90th). We find evidence that disease risks, such as the prevalence of HIV/AIDS, slowed the increase in domestic investment in the region across all quantiles (10th to 90th). We conclude by arguing that, since SSA's population growth will double in the near future, the region is bound to become world's next investment hub. In order to enable long-term domestic investments in the region, future policy options should take the challenges of population growth into account.
This study examines the effect of population growth on aggregate domestic investments in 45 Sub-Saharan African (SSA) countries over the period 2000–2020. It applies the Quantile Method of Moments with fixed effects (i.e., MM-QR), which has the ability to identify both negative and positive effects while controlling for trade, HIV/AIDS prevalence, and economic growth. The findings show that SSA’s rapid population growth has a positive and statistically significant effect on aggregate domestic investments. Findings from this study show that an increase in population growth in the 10th to 60th quantiles is associated with an increase of domestic investment in SSA. This suggests that, as the population grows in SSA, it generates demand for domestic investments such as healthcare services, education, and other social services. Our findings also show that trade is positive and significant across all quantiles (10th to 90th). We find evidence that disease risks, such as the prevalence of HIV/AIDS, slowed the increase in domestic investment in the region across all quantiles (10th to 90th). We conclude by arguing that, since SSA's population growth will double in the near future, the region is bound to become world's next investment hub. In order to enable long-term domestic investments in the region, future policy options should take the challenges of population growth into account.
Class voting for radical-left parties in Western Europe: The libertarian versus authoritarian class trade-off
Party Politics, Ahead of Print.
Which classes vote for radical-left parties (RLPs) in Western Europe? Previous research indicates that RLPs are strong among production workers and socio-cultural professionals, though not necessarily among both at the same time. Starting from the observation that these two classes take opposite stances on cultural issues, we trace variation in class voting back to RLPs’ positions on the cultural dimension. Combining voter-level data from the European Social Survey (2002–2018) with information on the positions of 23 RLPs from the Chapel Hill Expert Survey, we report robust evidence of a libertarian versus authoritarian class trade-off: RLPs with less libertarian positions receive relatively less support from socio-cultural professionals and relatively more support from production workers. These findings add to evidence that class voting varies with party positions. Ours is the first study to demonstrate this for RLPs, showing how, in the early 21st century, cultural positions matter for class voting.
Which classes vote for radical-left parties (RLPs) in Western Europe? Previous research indicates that RLPs are strong among production workers and socio-cultural professionals, though not necessarily among both at the same time. Starting from the observation that these two classes take opposite stances on cultural issues, we trace variation in class voting back to RLPs’ positions on the cultural dimension. Combining voter-level data from the European Social Survey (2002–2018) with information on the positions of 23 RLPs from the Chapel Hill Expert Survey, we report robust evidence of a libertarian versus authoritarian class trade-off: RLPs with less libertarian positions receive relatively less support from socio-cultural professionals and relatively more support from production workers. These findings add to evidence that class voting varies with party positions. Ours is the first study to demonstrate this for RLPs, showing how, in the early 21st century, cultural positions matter for class voting.
It’s not only about the leader. Oligarchized personalization and preference voting in Belgium
Party Politics, Ahead of Print.
Research on the electoral personalization of politics has stressed a trend towards a greater role of top prominent political figures (party leaders and ministers). This trend was described as centralized electoral personalization. Yet, this trend is merely one side of a more complex story. No leader attracts all voters’ support, and other candidates manage to stand out despite lower resources and visibility. Using a unique dataset of 47,239 actual ballot papers cast for the 2018 Belgian local elections, we show that candidates-level, lists-level and districts-level factors result in distinct preference voting behaviour. While these factors lead to unmistakable forms of (de-)centralized personalized forms of elections, we, furthermore, show that intermediary situations distinctively emerge. A significant number of ‘subtop’ candidates stand out among candidates, by attracting support from voters who do not support the mere leader of the list. This ‘oligarchized personalization’ would deserve greater attention in the literature.
Research on the electoral personalization of politics has stressed a trend towards a greater role of top prominent political figures (party leaders and ministers). This trend was described as centralized electoral personalization. Yet, this trend is merely one side of a more complex story. No leader attracts all voters’ support, and other candidates manage to stand out despite lower resources and visibility. Using a unique dataset of 47,239 actual ballot papers cast for the 2018 Belgian local elections, we show that candidates-level, lists-level and districts-level factors result in distinct preference voting behaviour. While these factors lead to unmistakable forms of (de-)centralized personalized forms of elections, we, furthermore, show that intermediary situations distinctively emerge. A significant number of ‘subtop’ candidates stand out among candidates, by attracting support from voters who do not support the mere leader of the list. This ‘oligarchized personalization’ would deserve greater attention in the literature.
The road to European parliament mandate for populist radical-right parties: Selecting the ‘perfect’ AfD candidate
Party Politics, Ahead of Print.
With growing public distrust toward European institutions, Eurosceptic populist radical-right parties make up almost a third of MEPs in the current European Parliament. As part of the larger scholarly debate on populist parties’ success, this article examines intra-party selection logic for the ‘perfect’ populist radical-right MEP candidate. Using original data from participant observation and interviews with Alternative for Germany delegates during the 2018/2019 European Election Assembly, this study suggests that party members were more likely to be selected as candidates if they (1) possessed extensive network with right-wing social movements to strengthen their electoral mobilization; (2) and showed strong commitment to party cohesion and good reputation to fend off accusations of racism and Nazism.
With growing public distrust toward European institutions, Eurosceptic populist radical-right parties make up almost a third of MEPs in the current European Parliament. As part of the larger scholarly debate on populist parties’ success, this article examines intra-party selection logic for the ‘perfect’ populist radical-right MEP candidate. Using original data from participant observation and interviews with Alternative for Germany delegates during the 2018/2019 European Election Assembly, this study suggests that party members were more likely to be selected as candidates if they (1) possessed extensive network with right-wing social movements to strengthen their electoral mobilization; (2) and showed strong commitment to party cohesion and good reputation to fend off accusations of racism and Nazism.
The informal rules of candidate selection and their impact on intra-party competition
Party Politics, Ahead of Print.
While the literature highlights the relevance of informal rules for candidate selection, empirical research has mainly focused on formal rules and procedures. This article contributes to our understanding by investigating how the informal rules employed by political parties impact on intra-party competition. Using the example of district nominations in Germany, and based on a longitudinal mixed methods design, the inductive analysis reveals five central informal rules: the Incumbency Rule, the Information Rule, the House Power Rule, Fairness Rules and Power-sharing Rules. These rules shape the expectations and behavior of those involved in candidate selection and have a significant impact on various aspects of intra-party competition. They decrease the number of aspirants, reduce intra-party conflict and emphasize the role of local party leaders in organizing and controlling intra-party competition.
While the literature highlights the relevance of informal rules for candidate selection, empirical research has mainly focused on formal rules and procedures. This article contributes to our understanding by investigating how the informal rules employed by political parties impact on intra-party competition. Using the example of district nominations in Germany, and based on a longitudinal mixed methods design, the inductive analysis reveals five central informal rules: the Incumbency Rule, the Information Rule, the House Power Rule, Fairness Rules and Power-sharing Rules. These rules shape the expectations and behavior of those involved in candidate selection and have a significant impact on various aspects of intra-party competition. They decrease the number of aspirants, reduce intra-party conflict and emphasize the role of local party leaders in organizing and controlling intra-party competition.