Party Politics, Volume 29, Issue 5, Page 929-939, September 2023.
We show how to extend the Laakso-Taagepera measure of the effective number of parties so as to incorporate both party and ethnicity in a way that allows both ethnic-specific, party-specific, and composite measures that we refer to as extended L-T indices. While the aim of this article is methodological, we also illustrate our approach with U.S. two-party data from presidential elections, using two-group, three-group, and five-group categorizations of ethnicities to show how party ethnicization in that country has grown since 1952. For comparison, and to show the generality of our approach to situations with more than two parties, we present data from the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina (Federacija Bosne i Hercegovine), where we have three ethnic groups but also more than two parties.
What the public wants and how it is best served: forensic scientists’ perceptions of the drivers of public value creation
International Review of Administrative Sciences, Ahead of Print.
Government agencies are embracing the rhetoric of public value, but what does the empirical evidence tell us about drivers of its creation? One critical source of insight are the practitioners who turn public investment into public value through complex forms of labour. This article identifies how public value is interpreted and created by forensics scientists in the Criminal Justice System using Q Methodological interviews. The results indicate that two very similar types of forensic scientist exist The study finds that while the decisions of scientists are grounded in their expertise, their public value motivations are to ‘add value’ to the public through their science. They serve the citizen through their science. They do not serve the consumer, client or victim directly. The findings also indicate that there is a need to recognise hidden forms of value-added activity that take place upstream in public-value chains, ensuring that there are systems in place to maximise their impact downstream.Points for practitionersForensic scientists are motivated to serve the public, not the consumer or customer.In order to build capacity within Criminal Justice Systems, agency leaders need to build a relationship based on mutual professional respect rather than a supplier–consumer relationship.If administrative reform is to be guided by academic research, practitioners should use the language of public value rather than the language of new public management.Public value is often created through inter-institutional value chains that can conceal the contribution of upstream value-added activity to desirable public outcomes. It is critical that the value-added process is traced on an inter-institutional basis, and maximised through effective forms of inter-institutional collaboration.
Government agencies are embracing the rhetoric of public value, but what does the empirical evidence tell us about drivers of its creation? One critical source of insight are the practitioners who turn public investment into public value through complex forms of labour. This article identifies how public value is interpreted and created by forensics scientists in the Criminal Justice System using Q Methodological interviews. The results indicate that two very similar types of forensic scientist exist The study finds that while the decisions of scientists are grounded in their expertise, their public value motivations are to ‘add value’ to the public through their science. They serve the citizen through their science. They do not serve the consumer, client or victim directly. The findings also indicate that there is a need to recognise hidden forms of value-added activity that take place upstream in public-value chains, ensuring that there are systems in place to maximise their impact downstream.Points for practitionersForensic scientists are motivated to serve the public, not the consumer or customer.In order to build capacity within Criminal Justice Systems, agency leaders need to build a relationship based on mutual professional respect rather than a supplier–consumer relationship.If administrative reform is to be guided by academic research, practitioners should use the language of public value rather than the language of new public management.Public value is often created through inter-institutional value chains that can conceal the contribution of upstream value-added activity to desirable public outcomes. It is critical that the value-added process is traced on an inter-institutional basis, and maximised through effective forms of inter-institutional collaboration.
Feminism of Charal
Contemporary Voice of Dalit, Volume 15, Issue 1_suppl, Page S139-S143, August 2023.
My article intends to focus on the prevalent silent predilection for mainstream feminism. Dalit feminism perpetrates through discrimination on the caste, class and gender struggle, whereas mainstream feminism has portrayed the struggle that centres around those who are higher in the caste hierarchy. Mainstream feminism has not yet delved into the struggle of those who are striving to raise their voice against the ‘triple monster’ as is coined by Bama in an interview. The triple monster here connotes caste, class and gender bias. My article will read the struggle of women Bangla Dalit writers who are suppressed and oppressed by this ‘triple Monster’.My primary text includes Chandalinir Kabita and Chandalini Bhone by Kalyani Thakur Charal. The article will also read Ami Kano Charal Likhi. Along with these, my article will bring in the contrast of women Dalit writers from another state, for instance, Bama from Tamil Nadu and Urmila Pawar from Maharashtra. The conflict lies here in the fact that the women Bangla Dalit writers in Bengal are subjugated extensively.The article will confront the struggle of Dalit feminism in a world where mainstream feminism reigns and rules securely. Against feminism, Kalyani Thakur Charal asserts that she prefers the term womanism more since womanism has penetrated through those layers that are not yet being evaded by mainstream feminism. Thereby, the article will bring in the concept of Dalit womanism along with the aforementioned statements.
My article intends to focus on the prevalent silent predilection for mainstream feminism. Dalit feminism perpetrates through discrimination on the caste, class and gender struggle, whereas mainstream feminism has portrayed the struggle that centres around those who are higher in the caste hierarchy. Mainstream feminism has not yet delved into the struggle of those who are striving to raise their voice against the ‘triple monster’ as is coined by Bama in an interview. The triple monster here connotes caste, class and gender bias. My article will read the struggle of women Bangla Dalit writers who are suppressed and oppressed by this ‘triple Monster’.My primary text includes Chandalinir Kabita and Chandalini Bhone by Kalyani Thakur Charal. The article will also read Ami Kano Charal Likhi. Along with these, my article will bring in the contrast of women Dalit writers from another state, for instance, Bama from Tamil Nadu and Urmila Pawar from Maharashtra. The conflict lies here in the fact that the women Bangla Dalit writers in Bengal are subjugated extensively.The article will confront the struggle of Dalit feminism in a world where mainstream feminism reigns and rules securely. Against feminism, Kalyani Thakur Charal asserts that she prefers the term womanism more since womanism has penetrated through those layers that are not yet being evaded by mainstream feminism. Thereby, the article will bring in the concept of Dalit womanism along with the aforementioned statements.
Does process matter more for predicting trust in government? Participation, performance, and process, in local government in Japan
International Review of Administrative Sciences, Volume 89, Issue 3, Page 842-863, September 2023.
Trust in government and its antecedents and development remain leading policy and research concerns. Drawing on a broadly representative online survey of 3100 respondents in Japan, we examine measures of trust in three local government actors. We find political participation is not associated with trust in local government, contrary to our expectations. Civic participation is associated with trust in the mayor, but not councillors or administrators. Satisfaction with services provided by local government, and positive perceptions of policy process, are associated with trust, with interactions suggesting process is the stronger antecedent. To develop greater trust in local government, it is important that public sector actors exhibit respect for rights and follow procedure, laws, and regulations, as well as deliver positive outcomes.Points for practitionersBuilding trust in government remains a key concern for policy makers, as it is related to successful adoption of policies.Trust in local government in Japan is related to perceived performance and citizen satisfaction.Civic participation is also related to some forms of trust in government.However, possibly more important are citizen perceptions that policy processes respect rights, procedures, and laws.To increase trust in government, practitioners need to practice, and show that they practice, good processes in developing and delivering policy, and show that policy leads to better perceived outcomes.
Trust in government and its antecedents and development remain leading policy and research concerns. Drawing on a broadly representative online survey of 3100 respondents in Japan, we examine measures of trust in three local government actors. We find political participation is not associated with trust in local government, contrary to our expectations. Civic participation is associated with trust in the mayor, but not councillors or administrators. Satisfaction with services provided by local government, and positive perceptions of policy process, are associated with trust, with interactions suggesting process is the stronger antecedent. To develop greater trust in local government, it is important that public sector actors exhibit respect for rights and follow procedure, laws, and regulations, as well as deliver positive outcomes.Points for practitionersBuilding trust in government remains a key concern for policy makers, as it is related to successful adoption of policies.Trust in local government in Japan is related to perceived performance and citizen satisfaction.Civic participation is also related to some forms of trust in government.However, possibly more important are citizen perceptions that policy processes respect rights, procedures, and laws.To increase trust in government, practitioners need to practice, and show that they practice, good processes in developing and delivering policy, and show that policy leads to better perceived outcomes.
Why do voters vote for third parties in single member districts? A test of four strategic voting conditions
Party Politics, Volume 29, Issue 5, Page 988-993, September 2023.
Duverger’s law holds that single member district rules produce two-party systems, but third party voting remains an important feature of these institutional contexts. To explain the discrepancy between theory and empirical reality, Gary Cox specified four conditions that are necessary for the theoretical expectations to bear out. Yet, subsequent research has focused mostly on just one of these conditions, namely, that voters have correct information about the competitiveness of their preferred party in the district. The purpose of this paper is to assess the role of all four conditions. Using original survey data from the 2015 United Kingdom general election, the analysis suggests that violations of the information condition matter, but that violations of the short-term instrumental rationality condition can be a significant factor as well. Consequently, future research should pay more attention to this condition when seeking to explain third party voting.
Duverger’s law holds that single member district rules produce two-party systems, but third party voting remains an important feature of these institutional contexts. To explain the discrepancy between theory and empirical reality, Gary Cox specified four conditions that are necessary for the theoretical expectations to bear out. Yet, subsequent research has focused mostly on just one of these conditions, namely, that voters have correct information about the competitiveness of their preferred party in the district. The purpose of this paper is to assess the role of all four conditions. Using original survey data from the 2015 United Kingdom general election, the analysis suggests that violations of the information condition matter, but that violations of the short-term instrumental rationality condition can be a significant factor as well. Consequently, future research should pay more attention to this condition when seeking to explain third party voting.
“Popular participation in every essential measure”: The Influence of Cuban Mass Political Participation on State Economic and Labour Policy
Why is progressive policy reform in Kosovo uncertain, despite the accelerated power shift to the left?
Party Politics, Volume 29, Issue 5, Page 969-980, September 2023.
The COVID-19 pandemic accelerated the arrival in power, for the first time, of a left-wing majority in Kosovo. Nowhere in the Western Balkans and Europe was the impact of the pandemic on politics so salient and extensive. The power shift created an unlikely opportunity for progressive social policy change. However, as shown by policy responses during the first year of the pandemic, substantial policy change is still uncertain. Although political parties have begun to matter more in policy choices, expansive change is constrained by the broader unfavourable conjuncture involving, among others, the existing neo-liberal welfare regime, its feedback on policy learning, mobile right-wing actors with influence in state institutions and global organisations such as the World Bank, International Monetary Fund and European Union – all of which may rather favour the status quo.
The COVID-19 pandemic accelerated the arrival in power, for the first time, of a left-wing majority in Kosovo. Nowhere in the Western Balkans and Europe was the impact of the pandemic on politics so salient and extensive. The power shift created an unlikely opportunity for progressive social policy change. However, as shown by policy responses during the first year of the pandemic, substantial policy change is still uncertain. Although political parties have begun to matter more in policy choices, expansive change is constrained by the broader unfavourable conjuncture involving, among others, the existing neo-liberal welfare regime, its feedback on policy learning, mobile right-wing actors with influence in state institutions and global organisations such as the World Bank, International Monetary Fund and European Union – all of which may rather favour the status quo.
Reclaiming Ambedkar Within the Feminist Legacy
Contemporary Voice of Dalit, Ahead of Print.
Historically analysing the presence of reformers and women’s liberators during the era of national struggle, Ambedkar emerges as a strong advocate of women’s rights in his times. This article discusses Dr B. R. Ambedkar’s role in empowering Dalit and caste-Hindu women through his social and legal strategies. The article begins with an analysis of Ambedkar’s sociological essay ‘Castes in India’ and his timeless analysis of ‘women as gateways of the caste system’. Furthermore, the article traces the national discourse on domesticity of Indian womanhood in Colonial India by analysing Ambedkar’s article in Bahishkrut Bharat on Grihalakshmification of the caste-Hindu woman. The article argues that Ambedkar’s advocacy for women’s entry into the public sphere through employment, as opposed to her domestication, redefined gendered labour within a modern caste society. Despite Ambedkar’s contribution to women’s rights in India, his acceptance in the mainstream feminist movement has been slow and reluctant. Ambedkar’s recognition in the mainstream feminist movement, I argue, results from constant effort and critique by Dalit women which has ruptured the elitist discourse of the mainstream feminist movement by pinpointing the prevalent caste-privilege and caste-blindness in these spaces.
Historically analysing the presence of reformers and women’s liberators during the era of national struggle, Ambedkar emerges as a strong advocate of women’s rights in his times. This article discusses Dr B. R. Ambedkar’s role in empowering Dalit and caste-Hindu women through his social and legal strategies. The article begins with an analysis of Ambedkar’s sociological essay ‘Castes in India’ and his timeless analysis of ‘women as gateways of the caste system’. Furthermore, the article traces the national discourse on domesticity of Indian womanhood in Colonial India by analysing Ambedkar’s article in Bahishkrut Bharat on Grihalakshmification of the caste-Hindu woman. The article argues that Ambedkar’s advocacy for women’s entry into the public sphere through employment, as opposed to her domestication, redefined gendered labour within a modern caste society. Despite Ambedkar’s contribution to women’s rights in India, his acceptance in the mainstream feminist movement has been slow and reluctant. Ambedkar’s recognition in the mainstream feminist movement, I argue, results from constant effort and critique by Dalit women which has ruptured the elitist discourse of the mainstream feminist movement by pinpointing the prevalent caste-privilege and caste-blindness in these spaces.
Working as a team: Do legislators coordinate their geographic representation efforts in party-centred environments?
Party Politics, Volume 29, Issue 5, Page 918-928, September 2023.
Why do legislators engage in geographic representation in party-centred electoral systems, where they face weak re-election incentives to cultivate a personal vote? Existing research offers cross-pressuring incentive structures and intrinsic localism motivations as individual-level factors to explain this puzzle. In this article, we propose an alternative argument based on the principle of collective action within party-internal structures of labour division. We argue that legislators elected in the same multi-member district and under the same party label (party delegations) share collective vote-seeking incentives to collaborate with each other in order to strike a balance between the collective benefits and individual costs of constituency-oriented activities. Results from a comparative study of written parliamentary questions in Germany and Spain support our argument. Specifically, the study suggests that individual localism attributes interact with the team composition of party delegations to shape constituency-orientated behaviour.
Why do legislators engage in geographic representation in party-centred electoral systems, where they face weak re-election incentives to cultivate a personal vote? Existing research offers cross-pressuring incentive structures and intrinsic localism motivations as individual-level factors to explain this puzzle. In this article, we propose an alternative argument based on the principle of collective action within party-internal structures of labour division. We argue that legislators elected in the same multi-member district and under the same party label (party delegations) share collective vote-seeking incentives to collaborate with each other in order to strike a balance between the collective benefits and individual costs of constituency-oriented activities. Results from a comparative study of written parliamentary questions in Germany and Spain support our argument. Specifically, the study suggests that individual localism attributes interact with the team composition of party delegations to shape constituency-orientated behaviour.
Word, Books, and the World: Towards an Anti-caste Pedagogy
Contemporary Voice of Dalit, Ahead of Print.
The reservation policy in India claims to address caste discrimination by promoting equality through economic and educational opportunities. Equal opportunities, however, do not often translate into equality. Education remains one of the most prominent tools used to disseminate dominant ideologies and perpetuate oppression. Whether it is the Brahmanical control over Vedic knowledge or the colonial validation of English education as a superior form of knowledge, education inculcates among the oppressed the legitimacy of oppression. The traditional method of education suffers from what Paolo Freire calls ‘narration sickness’. In this form of imparting knowledge, there is usually a teacher who narrates/implants knowledge on the patient, silent, objectified students. This article argues that the challenges towards an egalitarian pedagogy emanate from the social identities rooted in caste that travel across the classrooms. By linking education with the nexus of networks of exclusion, this article aims to offer possible ways to achieve an alternative, emancipatory pedagogy.
The reservation policy in India claims to address caste discrimination by promoting equality through economic and educational opportunities. Equal opportunities, however, do not often translate into equality. Education remains one of the most prominent tools used to disseminate dominant ideologies and perpetuate oppression. Whether it is the Brahmanical control over Vedic knowledge or the colonial validation of English education as a superior form of knowledge, education inculcates among the oppressed the legitimacy of oppression. The traditional method of education suffers from what Paolo Freire calls ‘narration sickness’. In this form of imparting knowledge, there is usually a teacher who narrates/implants knowledge on the patient, silent, objectified students. This article argues that the challenges towards an egalitarian pedagogy emanate from the social identities rooted in caste that travel across the classrooms. By linking education with the nexus of networks of exclusion, this article aims to offer possible ways to achieve an alternative, emancipatory pedagogy.