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Sanitation Workers: A Neglected Community of Indian Civilized Society
Contemporary Voice of Dalit, Ahead of Print.
Sanitation workers are those who work in any part of the sanitation chain. They perform one of the most important jobs in the society, and still, they remain unseen and unappreciated. The stigmatized caste system in India remains to be the key determinant of the fate of these workers. These workers often come into direct contact with human waste, working with no equipment or protection, which exposes them to a wide variety of health hazards and diseases that can cause unconsciousness or death. There is an urgent need to look into their problems, and this cannot be addressed without having a detailed understanding of the depth and width of their problems. Hence, the present study covers a number of areas such as the vast prevalence of sanitation workers in India, their pathetic conditions, their social and economic status, deaths due to sanitation related works and an alternative livelihood to sanitation work. Finally, this article suggests what the government needs to do for improving the lives of sanitation workers.
Sanitation workers are those who work in any part of the sanitation chain. They perform one of the most important jobs in the society, and still, they remain unseen and unappreciated. The stigmatized caste system in India remains to be the key determinant of the fate of these workers. These workers often come into direct contact with human waste, working with no equipment or protection, which exposes them to a wide variety of health hazards and diseases that can cause unconsciousness or death. There is an urgent need to look into their problems, and this cannot be addressed without having a detailed understanding of the depth and width of their problems. Hence, the present study covers a number of areas such as the vast prevalence of sanitation workers in India, their pathetic conditions, their social and economic status, deaths due to sanitation related works and an alternative livelihood to sanitation work. Finally, this article suggests what the government needs to do for improving the lives of sanitation workers.
Dalit Muslims and the State: Pasmanda Movement and Struggle for ‘Scheduled Castes Status’
Contemporary Voice of Dalit, Ahead of Print.
This paper attempts to understand the state’s role in providing Scheduled Castes (SC) status for Arzal or Dalit Muslims, and the struggle of Pasmanda Muslims through the Pasmanda movement for inclusion in the SC list. While doing so, it traces the trajectory of marginalization of Dalit Muslims by the state. It argues that since the inception of SC status in independent India, it was reserved only for the Hindu religion. Later on, it was amended twice: first, in 1956 for the inclusion of Sikh, and second, for neo-Buddhist in 1990. It did not include Dalit from the Muslim community. It also attempts to map the effort of Pasmanda Muslims for SC status. In this context, the paper tries to comprehend the role of the Pasmanda movement along with the struggle of social organizations. Consequently, the paper argues that these organizations fight for SC status; however, unable to make any significant intervention at the policy level. This paper also argues that there is a dissensus and intra-community contestation among Muslims regarding the Pasmanda movement and the demand of SC status for Dalit Muslims.
This paper attempts to understand the state’s role in providing Scheduled Castes (SC) status for Arzal or Dalit Muslims, and the struggle of Pasmanda Muslims through the Pasmanda movement for inclusion in the SC list. While doing so, it traces the trajectory of marginalization of Dalit Muslims by the state. It argues that since the inception of SC status in independent India, it was reserved only for the Hindu religion. Later on, it was amended twice: first, in 1956 for the inclusion of Sikh, and second, for neo-Buddhist in 1990. It did not include Dalit from the Muslim community. It also attempts to map the effort of Pasmanda Muslims for SC status. In this context, the paper tries to comprehend the role of the Pasmanda movement along with the struggle of social organizations. Consequently, the paper argues that these organizations fight for SC status; however, unable to make any significant intervention at the policy level. This paper also argues that there is a dissensus and intra-community contestation among Muslims regarding the Pasmanda movement and the demand of SC status for Dalit Muslims.
Traditional Ideas and Institutions of Democracy in India’s North East
Contemporary Voice of Dalit, Ahead of Print.
This article explores the traditional ideas and practices of indigenous democracy among the tribal communities in North East India. Traditional institutions of governance in the region are repudiated today as autocratic and authoritarian, or at best oligarchic. This oversight is imminent unless their cultures and customs, which are closely linked to their institutions of governance, are examined. In most traditional tribal institutions at the grassroot level, there is either a direct participation of all adult male or a representative system in which each clan or sub-clan is represented in the village council. Thus, one finds pre-modern roots of direct and representative democracy in the traditional polity of indigenous communities in the North East. The article identifies ‘consensus’ as the heart of tribal democracy and argues for the strengthening of indigenous democracy for deepening democracy in India. However, more democratic reforms of the traditional institutions are needed to particularly include women and the ‘others’. The findings contribute to the growing literature on the pre-modern roots of modern democracy.
This article explores the traditional ideas and practices of indigenous democracy among the tribal communities in North East India. Traditional institutions of governance in the region are repudiated today as autocratic and authoritarian, or at best oligarchic. This oversight is imminent unless their cultures and customs, which are closely linked to their institutions of governance, are examined. In most traditional tribal institutions at the grassroot level, there is either a direct participation of all adult male or a representative system in which each clan or sub-clan is represented in the village council. Thus, one finds pre-modern roots of direct and representative democracy in the traditional polity of indigenous communities in the North East. The article identifies ‘consensus’ as the heart of tribal democracy and argues for the strengthening of indigenous democracy for deepening democracy in India. However, more democratic reforms of the traditional institutions are needed to particularly include women and the ‘others’. The findings contribute to the growing literature on the pre-modern roots of modern democracy.
The journey of participatory budgeting: a systematic literature review and future research directions
International Review of Administrative Sciences, Volume 89, Issue 3, Page 757-774, September 2023.
This systematic literature review analyses the body of knowledge on the budgeting practice known as participatory budgeting (PB). This review identifies and analyses a dataset of 139 English-language papers focused on PB in the public sector published over three decades (1989–2019) in academic journals of different disciplines. The findings shed new light on PB, by systematizing this body of knowledge and explaining the PB idea journey. A research agenda is also set by clarifying overlooked areas of research and practical interests.Points for practitionersThe review provides a conceptual model to cope with specific issues in each phase of a PB journey, and it also sheds light on the role of political and managerial actors.Traditional and new themes to design a PB and implement participatory mechanisms are proposed.Practitioners can benefit from indications about the use of technological tools in mobilizing participation.
This systematic literature review analyses the body of knowledge on the budgeting practice known as participatory budgeting (PB). This review identifies and analyses a dataset of 139 English-language papers focused on PB in the public sector published over three decades (1989–2019) in academic journals of different disciplines. The findings shed new light on PB, by systematizing this body of knowledge and explaining the PB idea journey. A research agenda is also set by clarifying overlooked areas of research and practical interests.Points for practitionersThe review provides a conceptual model to cope with specific issues in each phase of a PB journey, and it also sheds light on the role of political and managerial actors.Traditional and new themes to design a PB and implement participatory mechanisms are proposed.Practitioners can benefit from indications about the use of technological tools in mobilizing participation.
Reflections on the Republican Party: (Prompted by Recollections of Encounters at 15 Janpath)
Contemporary Voice of Dalit, Ahead of Print.
Towards the end of the 1960s, the Ambedkarite Republican Party of India was facing a serious crisis. Its plight intensified with the death of the leader Dadasaheb Gaikwad at the end of 1971. This article takes the long view of the predicament of the party and asks why it had suffered such frequent and lasting instability. Drawing on interviews conducted at that time, including those conducted at the party New Delhi headquarters on Janpath, more recent discussions and a close examination of documentary records, the article examines the volatility and factional conflict exhibited by the party. In contrast to approaches that seek to find the roots of factionalism in personal rivalries and individual animosities, the article searches for more structural causes. It concludes that the inability of the party to broker differences about political cooperation and electoral alliances was a major cause of dissent. Particularly intense differences and division were generated by the issue of cooperation with the Congress party. Ultimately, it was the absence of any institutional procedures for settling disputes that caused the party to decline and eventually collapse into rival factional organizations.
Towards the end of the 1960s, the Ambedkarite Republican Party of India was facing a serious crisis. Its plight intensified with the death of the leader Dadasaheb Gaikwad at the end of 1971. This article takes the long view of the predicament of the party and asks why it had suffered such frequent and lasting instability. Drawing on interviews conducted at that time, including those conducted at the party New Delhi headquarters on Janpath, more recent discussions and a close examination of documentary records, the article examines the volatility and factional conflict exhibited by the party. In contrast to approaches that seek to find the roots of factionalism in personal rivalries and individual animosities, the article searches for more structural causes. It concludes that the inability of the party to broker differences about political cooperation and electoral alliances was a major cause of dissent. Particularly intense differences and division were generated by the issue of cooperation with the Congress party. Ultimately, it was the absence of any institutional procedures for settling disputes that caused the party to decline and eventually collapse into rival factional organizations.
Economic Growth, Development and Education of Scheduled Castes: Line Drawn from Neoliberal Era
Contemporary Voice of Dalit, Ahead of Print.
The economy of India was reasonably well during the world economic crisis and is performing well in the economic growth of the nation. However, relatively high aggregate economic growth also co-exists with the persistence of less social development for more than a decade. The exclusiveness of this growth rate is associated with region, locality, education, employment, living standard and social position. In this situation, this study poses questions: what are the changing impacts of neoliberalism in India and does economic growth co-exist with social development? What are the neoliberal experiences of marginal sections connected to economic growth? How are the educational attainments, retention and achievements of Scheduled Caste students connected to the structural changes in higher education?
The economy of India was reasonably well during the world economic crisis and is performing well in the economic growth of the nation. However, relatively high aggregate economic growth also co-exists with the persistence of less social development for more than a decade. The exclusiveness of this growth rate is associated with region, locality, education, employment, living standard and social position. In this situation, this study poses questions: what are the changing impacts of neoliberalism in India and does economic growth co-exist with social development? What are the neoliberal experiences of marginal sections connected to economic growth? How are the educational attainments, retention and achievements of Scheduled Caste students connected to the structural changes in higher education?
A Review of the Perspectives of Social Justice with Special Reference to the Ambedkarism
Contemporary Voice of Dalit, Ahead of Print.
The social justice is very old concept, which germinated at its mature forms during the era of Gautam Buddha, Plato and Aristotle, and started continual academic and sociopolitical refinements over the centuries through rich contributions of many Kings, Queens, Social Workers, Scholars and so. The concept social justice as always been placed at prominent places by the academic community whether discussing of the colonialism, globalism, communism or so on. Karl Marx has ignited again the notion of social justice among the intellectuals. After WWII, most of the nations got independence, and thus significance of the social justice increased manifold than ever before—to see that how far these countries deliver justice to the marginal communities at their territories, since they are no more under the clutch of their erstwhile colonial masters. Thus, during the entire periods starting from Plato to Rawals and beyond many scholars have contributed through various perspectives on the issue of justice. The major theories have been grouped here as various perspectives and briefly reviewed, while emphasizing previously somehow neglected Ambedkarism, as author found that this ideology could be even more relevant and practical in the modern context of globalization.
The social justice is very old concept, which germinated at its mature forms during the era of Gautam Buddha, Plato and Aristotle, and started continual academic and sociopolitical refinements over the centuries through rich contributions of many Kings, Queens, Social Workers, Scholars and so. The concept social justice as always been placed at prominent places by the academic community whether discussing of the colonialism, globalism, communism or so on. Karl Marx has ignited again the notion of social justice among the intellectuals. After WWII, most of the nations got independence, and thus significance of the social justice increased manifold than ever before—to see that how far these countries deliver justice to the marginal communities at their territories, since they are no more under the clutch of their erstwhile colonial masters. Thus, during the entire periods starting from Plato to Rawals and beyond many scholars have contributed through various perspectives on the issue of justice. The major theories have been grouped here as various perspectives and briefly reviewed, while emphasizing previously somehow neglected Ambedkarism, as author found that this ideology could be even more relevant and practical in the modern context of globalization.
Caste Environment and the ‘Unthinkability’ of ‘Annihilation of Caste’
Contemporary Voice of Dalit, Ahead of Print.
This article revisits Ambedkar’s speech ‘Annihilation of Caste’, the delivery of which was stalled as permission for it was withheld by the organization who had originally invited Ambedkar to deliver a talk on curbing denigrating social practices like ‘untouchability’. The article revisits this moment of denial as well as the speech in its written form and argues for the political significance both (the ‘speech’ and the ‘final act of denial’) hold in contemporary Indian socio-political culture with respect to caste and its ideological mechanisms. It is argued that the consequent ‘final un-deliverance of the speech’, owing to its cancellation by the Mandal, the conference organizer, accounts for political Hinduism’s ‘unthinkability’ to accept any intellectual that does not belong to the ‘upper’ caste/caste dominant to exegete on any matter requiring intellectual exercise. This article attempts a critique of this ‘unthinkability’, which it argues is a basic paradigm in the ideology of caste.
This article revisits Ambedkar’s speech ‘Annihilation of Caste’, the delivery of which was stalled as permission for it was withheld by the organization who had originally invited Ambedkar to deliver a talk on curbing denigrating social practices like ‘untouchability’. The article revisits this moment of denial as well as the speech in its written form and argues for the political significance both (the ‘speech’ and the ‘final act of denial’) hold in contemporary Indian socio-political culture with respect to caste and its ideological mechanisms. It is argued that the consequent ‘final un-deliverance of the speech’, owing to its cancellation by the Mandal, the conference organizer, accounts for political Hinduism’s ‘unthinkability’ to accept any intellectual that does not belong to the ‘upper’ caste/caste dominant to exegete on any matter requiring intellectual exercise. This article attempts a critique of this ‘unthinkability’, which it argues is a basic paradigm in the ideology of caste.
Lived Realities of Socio-political Negotiations by Marginalized Groups and the Inherent Rationality of Caste-Based Power Negotiations: A Study of Khap Regions of Muzaffarnagar, Uttar Pradesh
Contemporary Voice of Dalit, Ahead of Print.
The article explores the lived realities of socio-political negotiations by marginalized groups and the inherent rationality of caste-based power negotiations at a micro level. It also explores the possibilities of alternate futures and alternate interpretations of the margins, through the study of caste-based negotiations and subversions in the Khap villages of western Uttar Pradesh. Stuart Hall, British Cultural theorist, draws attention to the perspective that cultural identification need not produce an essence but a positioning subject to the continuous ‘play’ of history, culture and power. B. R. Ambedkar had termed the hierarchical caste system in India as ‘graded inequality’, which resists any transformation in its oppressive framework because it gives a sense of superiority to each caste placed above the other in a descending order. Despite stiff resistance to any transformation, various forms of subversion—denting the rigid caste and cultural frames—exist in the Khap areas of western Uttar Pradesh.Ambedkar’s vision of a non-sectarian equitable new social order in combination with empirical study on the current socio-political negotiations by marginalized groups on the ground—with a hint to the possibilities of alternate futures through the efforts towards inducing a democratic environment—are explored here.
The article explores the lived realities of socio-political negotiations by marginalized groups and the inherent rationality of caste-based power negotiations at a micro level. It also explores the possibilities of alternate futures and alternate interpretations of the margins, through the study of caste-based negotiations and subversions in the Khap villages of western Uttar Pradesh. Stuart Hall, British Cultural theorist, draws attention to the perspective that cultural identification need not produce an essence but a positioning subject to the continuous ‘play’ of history, culture and power. B. R. Ambedkar had termed the hierarchical caste system in India as ‘graded inequality’, which resists any transformation in its oppressive framework because it gives a sense of superiority to each caste placed above the other in a descending order. Despite stiff resistance to any transformation, various forms of subversion—denting the rigid caste and cultural frames—exist in the Khap areas of western Uttar Pradesh.Ambedkar’s vision of a non-sectarian equitable new social order in combination with empirical study on the current socio-political negotiations by marginalized groups on the ground—with a hint to the possibilities of alternate futures through the efforts towards inducing a democratic environment—are explored here.