Contemporary Voice of Dalit, Volume 15, Issue 1_suppl, Page S19-S32, August 2023.
Dr Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar was not only the father of the Indian Constitution or a vociferous critique of caste and untouchability but he was also a staunch supporter of women’s rights, their upliftment and emancipation. He strongly criticized the ancient lawgiver Manu and the Manusmrirti or Manav Dharma Shastra for showing contempt towards women and degrading them as slaves who are devoid of intellect. Manu denied women the right to chant Vedas, the right to education and the right to property. Ambedkar requested Indian women not to abide by the Manusmriti and to openly defy the laws of Manu. In order to ensure gender equality and the emancipation and progress of Indian women, he incorporated several articles in the Indian Constitution. As the first law minister of independent India, he introduced the Hindu Code Bill to safeguard the rights of Hindu women. It was due to his tireless efforts that the Constitution of independent India today incorporates several legislations to ensure the protection of women.
How the Absence of Caste in Curriculum Aids the Presence of Caste in Pedagogy
Contemporary Voice of Dalit, Ahead of Print.
While caste has been invisibilized in the Indian curriculum, it is practised strongly in a pedagogical sense which maintains hierarchy in higher education. There exists a mutually reinforced relationship of absence (of caste in curriculum) and presence (of caste in pedagogy). The current study aims at assessing inclusivity in academic curriculum and pedagogy with regards to the question of caste in papers related to gender/women’s rights/feminism at the University of Delhi. The curriculum of gender-related papers provided by six departments at the University of Delhi for undergraduate students is assessed. Along with textual analysis, in depth phenomenological interviews were conducted with 20 respondents coming from diverse caste backgrounds. Professors and students who either taught or studied any paper related to gender/women’s rights at undergraduate level of the University of Delhi were interviewed. The results of the study highlight several mutually reinforcing relations between ‘caste-less curriculum’, ‘sacred teacher’ and methods of evaluation, which can be seen as an explanation of how invisibilization of caste in curriculum aids caste as a pedagogical practice.
While caste has been invisibilized in the Indian curriculum, it is practised strongly in a pedagogical sense which maintains hierarchy in higher education. There exists a mutually reinforced relationship of absence (of caste in curriculum) and presence (of caste in pedagogy). The current study aims at assessing inclusivity in academic curriculum and pedagogy with regards to the question of caste in papers related to gender/women’s rights/feminism at the University of Delhi. The curriculum of gender-related papers provided by six departments at the University of Delhi for undergraduate students is assessed. Along with textual analysis, in depth phenomenological interviews were conducted with 20 respondents coming from diverse caste backgrounds. Professors and students who either taught or studied any paper related to gender/women’s rights at undergraduate level of the University of Delhi were interviewed. The results of the study highlight several mutually reinforcing relations between ‘caste-less curriculum’, ‘sacred teacher’ and methods of evaluation, which can be seen as an explanation of how invisibilization of caste in curriculum aids caste as a pedagogical practice.
Media Influences on Caste-based Untouchability Practices in India
Contemporary Voice of Dalit, Ahead of Print.
This study is an attempt to record the extent of untouchability practices prevalent in India as well as to examine the role of the media such as TV, newspaper and radio, as a source of communication which has brought about shift in the practice of caste-based untouchability. For addressing the above-mentioned issues, the study has used the data of India Human Development Survey-II conducted in 2011–2012 by the University of Maryland and the National Council of Applied Economic Research, New Delhi. The findings of the study reveal that 27% of households practise untouchability in contemporary India. However, the households watching TV (25.6%) practise less untouchability than those reading newspapers (26.1%) and listening to the radio (29.6%). The culturally disadvantaged groups are excluded from the decision-making process of the media that communicates the untouchability practices with society. Hence, it is visible from the findings that the role of media is beyond the expectation related to controlling the caste-based untouchability practices.
This study is an attempt to record the extent of untouchability practices prevalent in India as well as to examine the role of the media such as TV, newspaper and radio, as a source of communication which has brought about shift in the practice of caste-based untouchability. For addressing the above-mentioned issues, the study has used the data of India Human Development Survey-II conducted in 2011–2012 by the University of Maryland and the National Council of Applied Economic Research, New Delhi. The findings of the study reveal that 27% of households practise untouchability in contemporary India. However, the households watching TV (25.6%) practise less untouchability than those reading newspapers (26.1%) and listening to the radio (29.6%). The culturally disadvantaged groups are excluded from the decision-making process of the media that communicates the untouchability practices with society. Hence, it is visible from the findings that the role of media is beyond the expectation related to controlling the caste-based untouchability practices.
Translating Intent: Developments and Challenges in Translating Dalit Literature
Contemporary Voice of Dalit, Ahead of Print.
There have been many studies on locating the developments and challenges encountered in the translation of Dalit literature and the numerous impacts introduced by translators, editors and publishers. But hardly any attempt has been made to understand how Dalit writers themselves understand the process of translation. This is important because they often work very closely with these agents, and yet their opinions seem to get lost in the nitty-gritties of translation studies. It is perhaps for this reason alone that Limbale’s response to his translator evinces out this need when he says ‘You are worrying about my books and I am worrying about my movement’. It seems that Dalit writers have a distinct understanding of the role and process of translation which needs a necessary extrapolation. This essay then makes an attempt to suggest a theoretical framework which Dalit writers seem to have in mind when they advocate a need for a ‘socially committed translator’. The expression ‘Socially or politically committed translator’ itself needs to be explained as Dalit writers and their translators continue to use this expression, but the expression itself remains relatively untouched. This paper will therefore address these two important issues to contribute some insights into this field.
There have been many studies on locating the developments and challenges encountered in the translation of Dalit literature and the numerous impacts introduced by translators, editors and publishers. But hardly any attempt has been made to understand how Dalit writers themselves understand the process of translation. This is important because they often work very closely with these agents, and yet their opinions seem to get lost in the nitty-gritties of translation studies. It is perhaps for this reason alone that Limbale’s response to his translator evinces out this need when he says ‘You are worrying about my books and I am worrying about my movement’. It seems that Dalit writers have a distinct understanding of the role and process of translation which needs a necessary extrapolation. This essay then makes an attempt to suggest a theoretical framework which Dalit writers seem to have in mind when they advocate a need for a ‘socially committed translator’. The expression ‘Socially or politically committed translator’ itself needs to be explained as Dalit writers and their translators continue to use this expression, but the expression itself remains relatively untouched. This paper will therefore address these two important issues to contribute some insights into this field.
Narayana Guru and the Formation of Political Society in Kerala: Anti-Caste Revolt, Religion and the Untouchables
Contemporary Voice of Dalit, Ahead of Print.
This article is an attempt to examine the salient features of a lower caste revolt began in Kerala in the nineteenth century. It was led by Narayana Guru (1854–1928), a spiritual leader with a distinctive urge to break free from the rules of pollution demarcated by Brahmins in the practice of knowledge. I argue that in the wake of this movement, a strong assertion of community was represented by the Ezhava, a caste which suffered pollution in Hinduism. The defining characteristic of this community today is that of a class—the OBC. In the existing lacunae of non-governmental categories to define the nature of this community, and the philosophy of Advaita remaining an impediment rather than an empowerment to expand the central notions of his thought, I argue that the transition from caste to community represented by Narayana Guru can no longer be situated in the discourse either of Sanskritization or of subalternity, but of the use of technologies of deification.
This article is an attempt to examine the salient features of a lower caste revolt began in Kerala in the nineteenth century. It was led by Narayana Guru (1854–1928), a spiritual leader with a distinctive urge to break free from the rules of pollution demarcated by Brahmins in the practice of knowledge. I argue that in the wake of this movement, a strong assertion of community was represented by the Ezhava, a caste which suffered pollution in Hinduism. The defining characteristic of this community today is that of a class—the OBC. In the existing lacunae of non-governmental categories to define the nature of this community, and the philosophy of Advaita remaining an impediment rather than an empowerment to expand the central notions of his thought, I argue that the transition from caste to community represented by Narayana Guru can no longer be situated in the discourse either of Sanskritization or of subalternity, but of the use of technologies of deification.
The Subaltern Dalit Counterpublic: Implications for a Social Media Age
Contemporary Voice of Dalit, Ahead of Print.
Understanding Social Exclusion of the Low-caste Muslims in Kashmir
Contemporary Voice of Dalit, Ahead of Print.
This paper attempts to establish the prevalence of the caste system among Muslims in Kashmir. This has been achieved by pointing to aspects like endogamy, ghettoization as well as hereditary passing of ‘menial’ jobs among the ‘low caste’ groups. Further, these findings have been substantiated by the fieldwork done over three months. The essential premise borrowed here to understand caste in Kashmir is that of social exclusion, which the low-caste groups face.Social exclusion, in the context of this study, can be understood as a process that places certain caste groups in a disadvantaged position. This especially stems from being kept out of the larger social networks, in addition to not being able to access employment and education. It is also rooted in the overlapping layers of socio-cultural and economic deprivation. Poverty, in terms of material depravity, is starkly reinforced by such a socio-cultural identity of being a low-caste person employed in a ‘menial’ job. The objective of this paper, as such, is to theorize social exclusion faced by low-caste groups in Kashmir through a capability framework.This paper also investigates the importance of relational deprivation which leads to the capability failure and hence poverty, as well as the dynamics of caste-class interaction in the similar framework of social exclusion.
This paper attempts to establish the prevalence of the caste system among Muslims in Kashmir. This has been achieved by pointing to aspects like endogamy, ghettoization as well as hereditary passing of ‘menial’ jobs among the ‘low caste’ groups. Further, these findings have been substantiated by the fieldwork done over three months. The essential premise borrowed here to understand caste in Kashmir is that of social exclusion, which the low-caste groups face.Social exclusion, in the context of this study, can be understood as a process that places certain caste groups in a disadvantaged position. This especially stems from being kept out of the larger social networks, in addition to not being able to access employment and education. It is also rooted in the overlapping layers of socio-cultural and economic deprivation. Poverty, in terms of material depravity, is starkly reinforced by such a socio-cultural identity of being a low-caste person employed in a ‘menial’ job. The objective of this paper, as such, is to theorize social exclusion faced by low-caste groups in Kashmir through a capability framework.This paper also investigates the importance of relational deprivation which leads to the capability failure and hence poverty, as well as the dynamics of caste-class interaction in the similar framework of social exclusion.
Relationship Between Livelihood Capitals and Livelihood Strategies of Dalit
Contemporary Voice of Dalit, Ahead of Print.
Dalit of Nepal are living with lack of opportunities and the high-level poverty of Dalit communities shows that capabilities or livelihood of Dalits have not been adequately increased in quantity and quality. In the absence of capabilities, they have been adopting unsecured livelihood strategies. In this context this study aims to find out the relationship between livelihood capitals and livelihood strategies adopted by the Dalit communities of Kusma municipality, Parbat, Nepal. The study was based on survey research design and 390 respondents were selected by using stratified random sampling method. The relationship between the livelihood strategies and livelihood capitals are found positive, statistically significant and moderate level strength with livelihood strategies. Access to capitals determines the livelihood strategies of the Dalit community. However, there is no rule and degree of relationship between the livelihood capitals and livelihood strategies. Likely, agency and structure of the society dominates the capabilities of the Dalit households. Therefore, even though they have good knowledge, skill, income and physical capital, they are not well supported to choose livelihood strategies. Similarly, livelihood strategies do not contribute to livelihood outcomes as well.
Dalit of Nepal are living with lack of opportunities and the high-level poverty of Dalit communities shows that capabilities or livelihood of Dalits have not been adequately increased in quantity and quality. In the absence of capabilities, they have been adopting unsecured livelihood strategies. In this context this study aims to find out the relationship between livelihood capitals and livelihood strategies adopted by the Dalit communities of Kusma municipality, Parbat, Nepal. The study was based on survey research design and 390 respondents were selected by using stratified random sampling method. The relationship between the livelihood strategies and livelihood capitals are found positive, statistically significant and moderate level strength with livelihood strategies. Access to capitals determines the livelihood strategies of the Dalit community. However, there is no rule and degree of relationship between the livelihood capitals and livelihood strategies. Likely, agency and structure of the society dominates the capabilities of the Dalit households. Therefore, even though they have good knowledge, skill, income and physical capital, they are not well supported to choose livelihood strategies. Similarly, livelihood strategies do not contribute to livelihood outcomes as well.
Bad government performance and citizens’ perceptions: A quasi-experimental study of local fiscal crisis
International Review of Administrative Sciences, Volume 89, Issue 3, Page 722-740, September 2023.
The link between actual government performance and citizens’ performance perceptions has been controversial. Given the prevalence of negativity bias, however, the link between bad performance and citizens’ perceptions could appear to be strong. To explore this theoretically unconfirmed link, this study uses a quasi-experiment that contrasts a Japanese town in fiscal crisis, involving tax increases and service cuts, with a control village not in fiscal crisis. Using a difference-in-differences analysis with a careful retrospective pretest, it finds negative effects of the fiscal crisis on citizens’ process perception, while it shows no effects on citizens’ service satisfaction and trust in the mayor, council, and administrators. The study further finds positive associations between citizens’ performance perceptions and civic engagement. It discusses these findings to identify the boundary conditions in which a bad performance–negative perception link is likely to appear. Points for practitioners Psychology literature on negativity bias suggests that the causal links and mechanisms between bad performance and negative perceptions are stronger than those between good performance and positive perceptions.Not only citizens, but also politicians and administrators, hold negativity bias. Their blame-avoidance strategies could alleviate the growth of citizens’ negative perceptions with bad performance.Participatory governance might moderate the bad performance–negative perception link by placing citizens in a performance-improvement process and promoting their interaction with government officials.
The link between actual government performance and citizens’ performance perceptions has been controversial. Given the prevalence of negativity bias, however, the link between bad performance and citizens’ perceptions could appear to be strong. To explore this theoretically unconfirmed link, this study uses a quasi-experiment that contrasts a Japanese town in fiscal crisis, involving tax increases and service cuts, with a control village not in fiscal crisis. Using a difference-in-differences analysis with a careful retrospective pretest, it finds negative effects of the fiscal crisis on citizens’ process perception, while it shows no effects on citizens’ service satisfaction and trust in the mayor, council, and administrators. The study further finds positive associations between citizens’ performance perceptions and civic engagement. It discusses these findings to identify the boundary conditions in which a bad performance–negative perception link is likely to appear. Points for practitioners Psychology literature on negativity bias suggests that the causal links and mechanisms between bad performance and negative perceptions are stronger than those between good performance and positive perceptions.Not only citizens, but also politicians and administrators, hold negativity bias. Their blame-avoidance strategies could alleviate the growth of citizens’ negative perceptions with bad performance.Participatory governance might moderate the bad performance–negative perception link by placing citizens in a performance-improvement process and promoting their interaction with government officials.
Measuring red tape in a hospital setting: A survey experiment
International Review of Administrative Sciences, Ahead of Print.
Public administration research is actively exploring alternatives for the General Red Tape (GRT) scale to measure red tape. Owing to increasing criticism on the GRT scale, scholars proposed the Three-Item Red Tape (TIRT) scale as an alternative. Using a repeated cross-sectional design, this article tests both scales in a before–after analysis of a major change in the organization of administration in a hospital. The results indicate that the GRT scale does not capture the resulting major change in red tape, which raises questions on the instrument's validity in a bottom-up research design within one organization. The TIRT scale, however, which measures red tape at the work environment level, does reflect the change in red tape but shows empirical weaknesses in its design. Additionally, by randomly assigning respondents to substantially different red tape definitions, this article shows that the red tape definition does not significantly impact respondents’ GRT ratings.Points for practitioners The predominantly used GRT scale is not able to capture an increase in red tape in a bottom-up intraorganizational research design in a hospital, which raises questions on the instrument's validity.A more recent alternative for the GRT scale, more specifically the TIRT scale, captures the increase in red tape but shows empirical weaknesses.The wording of the red tape definition does not impact respondents’ answers on the GRT scale.
Public administration research is actively exploring alternatives for the General Red Tape (GRT) scale to measure red tape. Owing to increasing criticism on the GRT scale, scholars proposed the Three-Item Red Tape (TIRT) scale as an alternative. Using a repeated cross-sectional design, this article tests both scales in a before–after analysis of a major change in the organization of administration in a hospital. The results indicate that the GRT scale does not capture the resulting major change in red tape, which raises questions on the instrument's validity in a bottom-up research design within one organization. The TIRT scale, however, which measures red tape at the work environment level, does reflect the change in red tape but shows empirical weaknesses in its design. Additionally, by randomly assigning respondents to substantially different red tape definitions, this article shows that the red tape definition does not significantly impact respondents’ GRT ratings.Points for practitioners The predominantly used GRT scale is not able to capture an increase in red tape in a bottom-up intraorganizational research design in a hospital, which raises questions on the instrument's validity.A more recent alternative for the GRT scale, more specifically the TIRT scale, captures the increase in red tape but shows empirical weaknesses.The wording of the red tape definition does not impact respondents’ answers on the GRT scale.