International Review of Administrative Sciences, Ahead of Print.
Public service bargains (PSBs) have become a central heuristic to understand the relationship between politicians and senior bureaucrats. In this article, we add to the existing literature by exploring how both politicians and senior bureaucrats make sense of a PSB in disequilibrium. Based on individual and focus group interviews and six case studies of breakdown in the bargain, we find that bargains may be unstable due to both changing circumstances and differences in interpretations. We add to previous research by demonstrating how the differences in interpretations may manifest themselves along two dimensions, that is, in the balance between the types of competences and rewards that should be included in the bargain as perceived by politicians and senior civil servants, as well as how the competences and rewards agreed upon are interpreted.Points for practitioners The way mayors and chief administrative officers (CAOs) understand their relationship (the public service bargain) can sometimes reach a state of disequilibrium.This study explores how such a disequilibrium is interpreted by the relevant actors in terms of competences and rewards.Proactive renegotiation and alignment between mayors and CAOs is essential in responding to individual and relational dynamics to ensure efficient and legitimate cooperation between political and administrative actors.
Punishing environmental offenders: court decisions in environmental litigation in Taiwan
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Psychosocial well-being, policies, and the emotional boundaries of home
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Problematizing loneliness as a public health issue: an analysis of policy in the United Kingdom
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Evidence of subnational government sovereign boundary percolation in Nigeria
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Transparency in the use of assets confiscated from mafia organizations
International Review of Administrative Sciences, Ahead of Print.
Several remedies can be adopted in the fight against organized crime and mafias. One of the most effective is the confiscation of their assets. After confiscation, assets can be used to provide services to citizens, frequently thanks to the support of non-profit organizations. With a focus on Italy, this study investigates the transparency of the confiscation process and the factors that explain why local governments provide (or do not provide) information on confiscated assets.Points for practitionersTo facilitate dialogue with citizens, it is essential to consider the perspective of data users, so as to avoid focusing on the data provider. Such a dialogue can aid the adequate reuse of assets confiscated from the mafia and other criminal organizations, contributing to the ‘social’ fight against them. This article contributes to the debate on both transparency and studies on mafia organizations, providing a new insight through the consideration of how external pressures can drive public-sector entities to be more transparent.
Several remedies can be adopted in the fight against organized crime and mafias. One of the most effective is the confiscation of their assets. After confiscation, assets can be used to provide services to citizens, frequently thanks to the support of non-profit organizations. With a focus on Italy, this study investigates the transparency of the confiscation process and the factors that explain why local governments provide (or do not provide) information on confiscated assets.Points for practitionersTo facilitate dialogue with citizens, it is essential to consider the perspective of data users, so as to avoid focusing on the data provider. Such a dialogue can aid the adequate reuse of assets confiscated from the mafia and other criminal organizations, contributing to the ‘social’ fight against them. This article contributes to the debate on both transparency and studies on mafia organizations, providing a new insight through the consideration of how external pressures can drive public-sector entities to be more transparent.
Harmony and dissonance: Unveiling issue linkages between voters and parties across EU democracies
Party Politics, Ahead of Print.
This research delves into the abundant landscape of party positioning data, highlighting a scarcity of interconnected voter and party positioning sources. Leveraging Voting Advice Applications (VAAs), this study explores congruence from a comparative standpoint, capturing political preferences on the same scale and timeframe. Analysing data from two pan-European VAAs, EU Profiler and euandi, congruence is evaluated based on voter’s alignment with their preferred party across three issue dimensions. Findings underscore varying linkage strengths, particularly evident in a narrower representation on cultural and gender issues compared to economic ones. The study underscores the advantages of VAA data, urging a shift beyond the left-right continuum for a comprehensive understanding of party-voter congruence in a dynamic political landscape.
This research delves into the abundant landscape of party positioning data, highlighting a scarcity of interconnected voter and party positioning sources. Leveraging Voting Advice Applications (VAAs), this study explores congruence from a comparative standpoint, capturing political preferences on the same scale and timeframe. Analysing data from two pan-European VAAs, EU Profiler and euandi, congruence is evaluated based on voter’s alignment with their preferred party across three issue dimensions. Findings underscore varying linkage strengths, particularly evident in a narrower representation on cultural and gender issues compared to economic ones. The study underscores the advantages of VAA data, urging a shift beyond the left-right continuum for a comprehensive understanding of party-voter congruence in a dynamic political landscape.
Exploring ethical space in land use planning
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Red vs blue hubris: Clarifying the relationship between partisanship and (anti)intellectualism
Party Politics, Ahead of Print.
Recent research advancing our understanding of partisan cognitive differences finds symmetrical partisan routes to epistemic hubris: intellectual identity and anti-intellectual affect. These researchers conclude that epistemic hubris is largely due to intellectual identity among Democrats and anti-intellectual affect among Republicans. I investigate whether these relationships are purely due to a greater prevalence of intellectual identity among Democrats and anti-intellectual affect among Republicans or if these constructs are particularly potent in producing epistemic hubris among those who identify with their associated parties. I present observational evidence that partisanship conditions the influence of anti-intellectual affect on epistemic hubris but do not find that partisanship conditions the influence of intellectual identity. Based on these findings, we can expect Red America’s increasing anti-intellectualism to contribute to increasing epistemic hubris. More broadly, I provide empirical support for understanding intellectual identity and anti-intellectualism as distinct concepts based on their differing relationships with other fundamental political concepts.
Recent research advancing our understanding of partisan cognitive differences finds symmetrical partisan routes to epistemic hubris: intellectual identity and anti-intellectual affect. These researchers conclude that epistemic hubris is largely due to intellectual identity among Democrats and anti-intellectual affect among Republicans. I investigate whether these relationships are purely due to a greater prevalence of intellectual identity among Democrats and anti-intellectual affect among Republicans or if these constructs are particularly potent in producing epistemic hubris among those who identify with their associated parties. I present observational evidence that partisanship conditions the influence of anti-intellectual affect on epistemic hubris but do not find that partisanship conditions the influence of intellectual identity. Based on these findings, we can expect Red America’s increasing anti-intellectualism to contribute to increasing epistemic hubris. More broadly, I provide empirical support for understanding intellectual identity and anti-intellectualism as distinct concepts based on their differing relationships with other fundamental political concepts.
Book review: Tansen Sen and Brian Tsui (Eds.), Beyond Pan-Asianism: Connecting China and India, 1840s–1960s
China Report, Ahead of Print.
Tansen Sen and Brian Tsui (Eds.), Beyond Pan-Asianism: Connecting China and India, 1840s–1960s (Oxford University Press, 2021), pp. 489, ₹433.92. ISBN: 978-0-19-012911-8 (Hardcover).
Tansen Sen and Brian Tsui (Eds.), Beyond Pan-Asianism: Connecting China and India, 1840s–1960s (Oxford University Press, 2021), pp. 489, ₹433.92. ISBN: 978-0-19-012911-8 (Hardcover).