Volume 36, Issue 1-2, March - July 2022
.
Arguing and bargaining in international forums: The need for a novel approach
Journal of International Political Theory, Ahead of Print.
Most of the literature examining forum-based social interactions considers arguing and bargaining as the main modes of communication used by negotiating parties, and authors have often claimed that arguing interactions can be distinguished from bargaining ones on the basis of the presence/absence of some validation mechanisms. Starting from this assumption, authors have tried to study real-world international negotiations and to distinguish arguing from bargaining empirically. These attempts, however, have encountered several paralyzing methodological hindrances. This paper claims that the current differentiation between arguing and bargaining is built on erroneous assumptions and on a certain degree of undertheorization of bargaining types of forum interaction. The position advanced in this paper is that both arguing and bargaining types of interaction rely on similar validation mechanisms. Furthermore, the study shows that this erroneous distinction is the reason why authors have hitherto been unable to isolate and distinguish arguing from bargaining while looking at real-world international negotiations. The final goal of this paper is to challenge the current definitions of arguing and bargaining, and to provide the first step of a long-term research project aiming at the reconceptualization of these two types of interaction.
Most of the literature examining forum-based social interactions considers arguing and bargaining as the main modes of communication used by negotiating parties, and authors have often claimed that arguing interactions can be distinguished from bargaining ones on the basis of the presence/absence of some validation mechanisms. Starting from this assumption, authors have tried to study real-world international negotiations and to distinguish arguing from bargaining empirically. These attempts, however, have encountered several paralyzing methodological hindrances. This paper claims that the current differentiation between arguing and bargaining is built on erroneous assumptions and on a certain degree of undertheorization of bargaining types of forum interaction. The position advanced in this paper is that both arguing and bargaining types of interaction rely on similar validation mechanisms. Furthermore, the study shows that this erroneous distinction is the reason why authors have hitherto been unable to isolate and distinguish arguing from bargaining while looking at real-world international negotiations. The final goal of this paper is to challenge the current definitions of arguing and bargaining, and to provide the first step of a long-term research project aiming at the reconceptualization of these two types of interaction.
Conceptualizing the Paradigm Shift from Prosocial Communism to Violent Communism and Pogroms of Dalits to Adivasi Guerrillas in India: A Systematic Literature Review
Contemporary Voice of Dalit, Ahead of Print.
In India, the violent communist movement encompasses 70 districts of 10 states with substantial support from the marginalized people with arms in their hands. Why does the transformation process from a communist political party to violent communism take place in India? How does communism in its violent form still survive in India? These questions are addressed by reviewing the literature on the left-wing extremist movement in India from 2005 to 2022. It is found that the violent version of communism has largely succeeded in the domain of suppressing caste-based exploitations of the landless lower castes and gaining support from the indigenous tribes on land and forest-related issues. Therefore, the destination of communism in India is an important eventuality to study its survival strategies, diverse forms and processes.
In India, the violent communist movement encompasses 70 districts of 10 states with substantial support from the marginalized people with arms in their hands. Why does the transformation process from a communist political party to violent communism take place in India? How does communism in its violent form still survive in India? These questions are addressed by reviewing the literature on the left-wing extremist movement in India from 2005 to 2022. It is found that the violent version of communism has largely succeeded in the domain of suppressing caste-based exploitations of the landless lower castes and gaining support from the indigenous tribes on land and forest-related issues. Therefore, the destination of communism in India is an important eventuality to study its survival strategies, diverse forms and processes.
Caste Prejudice, Colonial Education in Kumaon: Dynamics of Depressed Class Education, 1881–1947
Contemporary Voice of Dalit, Ahead of Print.
From the last quarter of the eighteenth century, the East India Company slowly acquired the area which is now called Uttar Pradesh. Territories were acquired from different powers by the company were initially kept under Bengal Province. However, in 1833 these, areas were separated and a new province called North-Western Provinces was created. Again, after the annexation of Oudh, this province came to be called in 1877 as North-Western Provinces. The United Provinces of Agra and Oudh was changed to United Provinces in 1902 which later became present Uttar Pradesh. Colonial rule wanted to control the knowledge systems of the colonized. The epistemology and knowledge systems produced by the colonial state sought to create the feeling of interiority among the colonized people. Education is one such area through which the colonial state wanted to justify their rule. The British argued that Indians were inferior and justified their monopoly of all higher posts. They, further, pointed out that untouchability, rigid caste system are some of the reasons for inferiority. In this article, I would like to discuss the colonial state policy towards education of lower castes and depressed classes in Kumaon division of United Provinces of British India. I argue that although the British professed that it wanted to educate all people, yet in practice the colonial state gave in to the caste prejudices of the society and also because of its own ambivalent policy towards depressed classes. Doms constitute majority of Dalit community in Kumaon division of United Provinces from whom Shilpakar community emerged gradually.
From the last quarter of the eighteenth century, the East India Company slowly acquired the area which is now called Uttar Pradesh. Territories were acquired from different powers by the company were initially kept under Bengal Province. However, in 1833 these, areas were separated and a new province called North-Western Provinces was created. Again, after the annexation of Oudh, this province came to be called in 1877 as North-Western Provinces. The United Provinces of Agra and Oudh was changed to United Provinces in 1902 which later became present Uttar Pradesh. Colonial rule wanted to control the knowledge systems of the colonized. The epistemology and knowledge systems produced by the colonial state sought to create the feeling of interiority among the colonized people. Education is one such area through which the colonial state wanted to justify their rule. The British argued that Indians were inferior and justified their monopoly of all higher posts. They, further, pointed out that untouchability, rigid caste system are some of the reasons for inferiority. In this article, I would like to discuss the colonial state policy towards education of lower castes and depressed classes in Kumaon division of United Provinces of British India. I argue that although the British professed that it wanted to educate all people, yet in practice the colonial state gave in to the caste prejudices of the society and also because of its own ambivalent policy towards depressed classes. Doms constitute majority of Dalit community in Kumaon division of United Provinces from whom Shilpakar community emerged gradually.
Caste and Gender Politics: An Understanding of Dalit Consciousness in the Poems of Contemporary Dalit Writers
Contemporary Voice of Dalit, Ahead of Print.
Dalit women face endemic gender and caste discrimination and violence as a result of extreme unequal social, economic, and political power equations because of their vulnerability at the bottom of India’s caste, class, and gender hierarchies. Their socio-economic weakness and lack of political power, combined with the main risk factors of being Dalit and female, heighten their exposure to potentially violent Circumstances, hindering their rights to live with dignity and reach their full potential. The poems of three contemporary Dalit feminist writers, namely, Meena Kandasamy (1984–), Aruna Gogulamanda (1970–) and Sukirtharani (1973–) appear to be an encyclopaedia of painful catalogues, some heard and some experienced. Their witty arguments and unbashful and uncompromising writing style not only unleash the power/caste/sexual politics at hand but also suggest ways of emancipation for women and an era of liberation for them. The article aims to uncover the intersectionality of caste and gender—through a reading of select poets’ works—exposing the exploitation, oppression, violence and marginalization that reflects on the Dalit female body inhibiting from and affecting the physical, psychological, economic and social dimensions. It will do so by employing various post-modern critical scholarships on caste/gender politics, politics of the body, identity, self, subjectivity, agency, and its attendant issues. Thus, by using the female body as an ingress the article through critical analysis of the select poems will showcase a paradigm shift in understanding the self via body hence suggesting ways for Dalit women’s agency/emancipation. By highlighting the experiences of marginalized female voices, this research contributes to a deeper understanding of gender dynamics, caste politics within Indian society, ultimately prompting discussions on the need for caste and gender equity and inclusivity in contemporary India.
Dalit women face endemic gender and caste discrimination and violence as a result of extreme unequal social, economic, and political power equations because of their vulnerability at the bottom of India’s caste, class, and gender hierarchies. Their socio-economic weakness and lack of political power, combined with the main risk factors of being Dalit and female, heighten their exposure to potentially violent Circumstances, hindering their rights to live with dignity and reach their full potential. The poems of three contemporary Dalit feminist writers, namely, Meena Kandasamy (1984–), Aruna Gogulamanda (1970–) and Sukirtharani (1973–) appear to be an encyclopaedia of painful catalogues, some heard and some experienced. Their witty arguments and unbashful and uncompromising writing style not only unleash the power/caste/sexual politics at hand but also suggest ways of emancipation for women and an era of liberation for them. The article aims to uncover the intersectionality of caste and gender—through a reading of select poets’ works—exposing the exploitation, oppression, violence and marginalization that reflects on the Dalit female body inhibiting from and affecting the physical, psychological, economic and social dimensions. It will do so by employing various post-modern critical scholarships on caste/gender politics, politics of the body, identity, self, subjectivity, agency, and its attendant issues. Thus, by using the female body as an ingress the article through critical analysis of the select poems will showcase a paradigm shift in understanding the self via body hence suggesting ways for Dalit women’s agency/emancipation. By highlighting the experiences of marginalized female voices, this research contributes to a deeper understanding of gender dynamics, caste politics within Indian society, ultimately prompting discussions on the need for caste and gender equity and inclusivity in contemporary India.
Regionalism and Alliances in the Middle East, 2011-2021: From a “Flash in the Pan” of Regional Cooperation to Liquid Alliances
.
Veterans, Families and the Domestic Geopolitics of Remembering War
.
Everyday Europeanization and Bottom-Up Geopolitics at the Ukrainian-Polish Border
.
Entangled Vulnerabilities: Gendered and Racialised Bodies and Borders in EU External Border Security
.
Devolution and local government: 25 years beyond the Belfast (Good Friday) Agreement
.