Contemporary Voice of Dalit, Ahead of Print.
There is a mainstream glorified image of motherhood. But is this the reality of every mother? An intersectional study of the play Labour Room by Sreeja K. V. is done to get an answer to this question. The play portrays three women from different backgrounds, their journey to motherhood, and their idea of being a mother. A Dalit feminist study of the play, focusing on the character woman three, can be employed to understand that being a mother is not always majestic and is a different experience for every mother. Does a Dalit woman lack motherly feelings, or do their circumstances mute those feelings? Through the character of a woman three, this article attempts to address this question using the theory of intersectionality. The article also tries to shift the focus from the conventional depiction of motherhood.
The Fall of an Elephant: A Case Study of Bahujan Samaj Party in Uttar Pradesh
Contemporary Voice of Dalit, Ahead of Print.
The result of the 2022 Assembly election in Uttar Pradesh offers important lessons for Indian electoral politics. This election saw the defeat of the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP), a party called ‘the Elephant’ that claims to represent about 20% of state’s population including Dalits. In this background, this article attempts to explain how the BSP’s transition from a ‘Bahujan’ party to a ‘Sarvajan Party’ and neglect for Dalit issues led to its defeat in the Vidhan Sabha election in Uttar Pradesh in 2022. It also shows that the BSP’s ‘Sarvajan Politics’ model could not sustain its success indefinitely. The shift in the BSP’s voting percentage in Uttar Pradesh suggests that a ‘atomized Party’ with a charismatic leader may struggle to remain viable if it falls short of the expectations of its main voter base. The fundamental question here is whether the social justice goal is still relevant in a state like Uttar Pradesh.
The result of the 2022 Assembly election in Uttar Pradesh offers important lessons for Indian electoral politics. This election saw the defeat of the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP), a party called ‘the Elephant’ that claims to represent about 20% of state’s population including Dalits. In this background, this article attempts to explain how the BSP’s transition from a ‘Bahujan’ party to a ‘Sarvajan Party’ and neglect for Dalit issues led to its defeat in the Vidhan Sabha election in Uttar Pradesh in 2022. It also shows that the BSP’s ‘Sarvajan Politics’ model could not sustain its success indefinitely. The shift in the BSP’s voting percentage in Uttar Pradesh suggests that a ‘atomized Party’ with a charismatic leader may struggle to remain viable if it falls short of the expectations of its main voter base. The fundamental question here is whether the social justice goal is still relevant in a state like Uttar Pradesh.
Twenty-five years of accountability research in public administration: Authorship, themes, methods, and future trends
International Review of Administrative Sciences, Ahead of Print.
There is extensive literature on accountability, yet systematic research on the state of the art in the field of public administration is lacking. This research is essential to understand the aspects of accountability that have been studied and identify the primary findings and areas that require further investigation. This study seeks to address this gap by conducting a systematic literature review of 277 articles on accountability published in 15 leading public administration journals between 1996 and 2021. This review aims to answer the following questions: What types of accountability have been examined? To what extent has accountability been investigated as a dependent or an explanatory variable? Which methodological approaches dominate, and which cases are more commonly examined? What are the current challenges and future research trends?Points for practitionersTwo dimensions to consider when examining accountability are supply-side accountability, which centers on traditional government models, and demand-side accountability, which underscores the role of citizens and multiple forums. The interaction between the supply and demand sides leads to various types of accountability, encompassing vertical, horizontal, hybrid, and social accountability. Core approaches used for measuring accountability include formal, informal, voluntary, and felt accountability.
There is extensive literature on accountability, yet systematic research on the state of the art in the field of public administration is lacking. This research is essential to understand the aspects of accountability that have been studied and identify the primary findings and areas that require further investigation. This study seeks to address this gap by conducting a systematic literature review of 277 articles on accountability published in 15 leading public administration journals between 1996 and 2021. This review aims to answer the following questions: What types of accountability have been examined? To what extent has accountability been investigated as a dependent or an explanatory variable? Which methodological approaches dominate, and which cases are more commonly examined? What are the current challenges and future research trends?Points for practitionersTwo dimensions to consider when examining accountability are supply-side accountability, which centers on traditional government models, and demand-side accountability, which underscores the role of citizens and multiple forums. The interaction between the supply and demand sides leads to various types of accountability, encompassing vertical, horizontal, hybrid, and social accountability. Core approaches used for measuring accountability include formal, informal, voluntary, and felt accountability.
Drivers of reverse corporatization in English local government: A longitudinal analysis
International Review of Administrative Sciences, Ahead of Print.
Local governments increasingly create and use corporate forms of organization to provide public services. While there is growing evidence on the factors influencing such corporatization, less is known about what leads some local governments to bring corporatized services back in-house. This paper investigates financial, socioeconomic, political and organizational drivers of reverse corporatization among 62 Arms-Length Management Organizations (ALMOs), wholly owned nonprofit organizations created by local governments in England to provide social housing services. Survival analysis for the period 2003–2019 suggests that reverse corporatization is more likely to occur in left-wing local governments and in those with more financial reserves, but is less likely if ALMOs have operated for a longer time and have a large board of directors.Points for practitionersUnderstanding of the drivers of reverse corporatization can help local politicians and public managers improve their decisions about the appropriate mode of delivery for local public services. This paper highlights that good fiscal health may be essential for efforts to bring corporatized service back in-house, but that well-established municipal corporations may be better left to continue operating. It is also important for policymakers to recognize the role that political ideology (and socioeconomic circumstances) can play in shaping a commitment to reversing corporatization.
Local governments increasingly create and use corporate forms of organization to provide public services. While there is growing evidence on the factors influencing such corporatization, less is known about what leads some local governments to bring corporatized services back in-house. This paper investigates financial, socioeconomic, political and organizational drivers of reverse corporatization among 62 Arms-Length Management Organizations (ALMOs), wholly owned nonprofit organizations created by local governments in England to provide social housing services. Survival analysis for the period 2003–2019 suggests that reverse corporatization is more likely to occur in left-wing local governments and in those with more financial reserves, but is less likely if ALMOs have operated for a longer time and have a large board of directors.Points for practitionersUnderstanding of the drivers of reverse corporatization can help local politicians and public managers improve their decisions about the appropriate mode of delivery for local public services. This paper highlights that good fiscal health may be essential for efforts to bring corporatized service back in-house, but that well-established municipal corporations may be better left to continue operating. It is also important for policymakers to recognize the role that political ideology (and socioeconomic circumstances) can play in shaping a commitment to reversing corporatization.
The politics of evasion: The missing statehood debate in puerto rico
Party Politics, Ahead of Print.
In this research, we explored how foundational issues can become subtext in political discourse by studying how statehood was debated in social media prior to two plebiscites in Puerto Rico. Historically in Puerto Rico, local parties are divided on this issue instead of along the more common conservative versus liberal division that is found in most parts of the United States. We collected the corpus of Twitter communication by members of Puerto Rico’s Legislature for the term of 2017-2021. Using latent topic modeling techniques, we classified the political discussion along party lines. Surprisingly, statehood was not a major topic in our model when using the full corpus of data. However, when we filtered the data to include only those tweets discussing statehood and sub-sampled them by major party, the sub-topics within statehood communication became clear and coherent as was the partisan divide. Ultimately, while there is a clear division about statehood between the parties, the issue has become so intrinsic to the political sphere in Puerto Rico that it no longer commanded significant attention in the political discourse during this period.
In this research, we explored how foundational issues can become subtext in political discourse by studying how statehood was debated in social media prior to two plebiscites in Puerto Rico. Historically in Puerto Rico, local parties are divided on this issue instead of along the more common conservative versus liberal division that is found in most parts of the United States. We collected the corpus of Twitter communication by members of Puerto Rico’s Legislature for the term of 2017-2021. Using latent topic modeling techniques, we classified the political discussion along party lines. Surprisingly, statehood was not a major topic in our model when using the full corpus of data. However, when we filtered the data to include only those tweets discussing statehood and sub-sampled them by major party, the sub-topics within statehood communication became clear and coherent as was the partisan divide. Ultimately, while there is a clear division about statehood between the parties, the issue has become so intrinsic to the political sphere in Puerto Rico that it no longer commanded significant attention in the political discourse during this period.
Responsibility and innovation for low waste and circular economy transitions: what roles for households?
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Dr Ambedkar’s Method of Social Change: Debating Means and Ends
Contemporary Voice of Dalit, Ahead of Print.
Ambedkar’s method of social change is about its commensurability with critical methods leads the legitimatization over radical means. The preconceived method devoid of reality was not only failed but also disastrous. The theory and practice are an integral part of the theory of social change of Ambedkar. It has laid the contrast between two methods of social change that is Marxist and Pragmatist. Ambedkar’s method of social change influenced from pragmatism. It was not only the relevance of his thought but also the legitimacy of his methods used for bringing about change in Indian society. Ambedkar’s Critical method for social change upholds the idea of democracy and justice while radical violent means which emphasized on the equality without much space for democracy and freedom of speech delegitimized the purpose of communist society. The article is divided into two major parts; first part dealt with the critical theory and its primary concern for social change. It also contrasted with Ambedkar’s method of social change. Second section focused briefly on the debate between Marxist Trotsky and pragmatist John Dewey over use of means for achieving the ends. The experiment of the Cultural Change in the case of Great Proletariat Cultural Revolution in China by Mao Zedong and the methods of the Cultural Revolution proposed by Ambedkar is also part of the discussion where two experiments for bringing about cultural changes in Chinese and Indian society. The legitimacy of the democratic means remains unbeatable in the case of Ambedkar while violent radical means lost the legitimacy in Chinese experience. The struggle of Ambedkar who secured the rights for untouchable in the Indian constitution was not less than a revolution. Banning practice of Untouchability in any form and making it the punishable offence was the victory of the democratic means.
Ambedkar’s method of social change is about its commensurability with critical methods leads the legitimatization over radical means. The preconceived method devoid of reality was not only failed but also disastrous. The theory and practice are an integral part of the theory of social change of Ambedkar. It has laid the contrast between two methods of social change that is Marxist and Pragmatist. Ambedkar’s method of social change influenced from pragmatism. It was not only the relevance of his thought but also the legitimacy of his methods used for bringing about change in Indian society. Ambedkar’s Critical method for social change upholds the idea of democracy and justice while radical violent means which emphasized on the equality without much space for democracy and freedom of speech delegitimized the purpose of communist society. The article is divided into two major parts; first part dealt with the critical theory and its primary concern for social change. It also contrasted with Ambedkar’s method of social change. Second section focused briefly on the debate between Marxist Trotsky and pragmatist John Dewey over use of means for achieving the ends. The experiment of the Cultural Change in the case of Great Proletariat Cultural Revolution in China by Mao Zedong and the methods of the Cultural Revolution proposed by Ambedkar is also part of the discussion where two experiments for bringing about cultural changes in Chinese and Indian society. The legitimacy of the democratic means remains unbeatable in the case of Ambedkar while violent radical means lost the legitimacy in Chinese experience. The struggle of Ambedkar who secured the rights for untouchable in the Indian constitution was not less than a revolution. Banning practice of Untouchability in any form and making it the punishable offence was the victory of the democratic means.
Re-covering the Problems of Caste and Untouchability in U. R. Ananthamurthy’s Samskara
Contemporary Voice of Dalit, Ahead of Print.
The problem of caste and the struggle of literary voices for a solution against casteism has been a topic of concern in Dalit Literature. U. R. Ananthamurthy is one among such writers who looks upon the caste division as a challenge against the rise of social inequality and through his works tries to critique such modern existentialist crisis based on caste and untouchability. It should be noted that being a member of the Navya Kavya movement, U. R. Ananthmurthy was under the impression of Ram Manohar Lohia and Mahatma Gandhi for their concern about the problem of caste and untouchability in the Post-independent Indian society. In a similar context, U. R. Ananthamurthy’s Samskara: A Rite for a Dead Man (1965) echoes the evil social practices based on caste and Brahminical hierarchy by presenting the existential and intellectual crisis of Pranesacharaya, the most learned Brahmin of Durvashapura village. Keeping due attention to the views of Gandhi and Lohia, the proposed article would like to explicate how far Ananthamurthy was influenced by the views of these socialists and to which level his method of presenting casteism in Samskara follows the criterion style of Munshi Premchand and Mulk Raj Anand who were also the disciple of Gandhian ideology about caste and untouchability. This article would also like to focus on how this discrimination in caste based on social superiority and inferiority has constructed an exploitative relationship between the Brahmins and other upper castes, and the untouchable; and how it functions and would finally lead to nothingness where everything would be at a terrible situation of destroying the very society itself.
The problem of caste and the struggle of literary voices for a solution against casteism has been a topic of concern in Dalit Literature. U. R. Ananthamurthy is one among such writers who looks upon the caste division as a challenge against the rise of social inequality and through his works tries to critique such modern existentialist crisis based on caste and untouchability. It should be noted that being a member of the Navya Kavya movement, U. R. Ananthmurthy was under the impression of Ram Manohar Lohia and Mahatma Gandhi for their concern about the problem of caste and untouchability in the Post-independent Indian society. In a similar context, U. R. Ananthamurthy’s Samskara: A Rite for a Dead Man (1965) echoes the evil social practices based on caste and Brahminical hierarchy by presenting the existential and intellectual crisis of Pranesacharaya, the most learned Brahmin of Durvashapura village. Keeping due attention to the views of Gandhi and Lohia, the proposed article would like to explicate how far Ananthamurthy was influenced by the views of these socialists and to which level his method of presenting casteism in Samskara follows the criterion style of Munshi Premchand and Mulk Raj Anand who were also the disciple of Gandhian ideology about caste and untouchability. This article would also like to focus on how this discrimination in caste based on social superiority and inferiority has constructed an exploitative relationship between the Brahmins and other upper castes, and the untouchable; and how it functions and would finally lead to nothingness where everything would be at a terrible situation of destroying the very society itself.
From Submission to Resistance: The Transformation of Dalit Women Bodies
Contemporary Voice of Dalit, Ahead of Print.
In his book Discipline and Punish, Michel Foucault has highlighted that the body acts as both the object and the target in a power relationship. The whole purpose of this power is to make sure that the norms of the society remain the same. In a graded society like India, where inequality is apparent because of the prevalent caste system, the idea of power is employed to keep a particular group of people, that is, Dalits, in control and subordination. Even among Dalits, Dalit women are harassed owing to their caste–gender intersection. With no power to exert or execute, Dalit women are the most vulnerable group in Indian society. Their bodies are severely scrutinized, and in a true Foucauldian fashion, they are regulated and accustomed to behaving submissively. They are being objectified by the upper-caste people and are harassed, raped, and violated in their day-to-day lives. The present paper looks at the challenges faced by Dalit women by analysing two works of Bama (2005, Sangati events) and Karukku. Delving into the concept of body, the present paper aims to highlight the objectification of Dalit women’s bodies by the men of upper caste and Dalit men and the subsequent resistance of Dalit women to this idea of objectification. The present article will explore how the Dalit women have changed their docile bodies into resistive bodies.
In his book Discipline and Punish, Michel Foucault has highlighted that the body acts as both the object and the target in a power relationship. The whole purpose of this power is to make sure that the norms of the society remain the same. In a graded society like India, where inequality is apparent because of the prevalent caste system, the idea of power is employed to keep a particular group of people, that is, Dalits, in control and subordination. Even among Dalits, Dalit women are harassed owing to their caste–gender intersection. With no power to exert or execute, Dalit women are the most vulnerable group in Indian society. Their bodies are severely scrutinized, and in a true Foucauldian fashion, they are regulated and accustomed to behaving submissively. They are being objectified by the upper-caste people and are harassed, raped, and violated in their day-to-day lives. The present paper looks at the challenges faced by Dalit women by analysing two works of Bama (2005, Sangati events) and Karukku. Delving into the concept of body, the present paper aims to highlight the objectification of Dalit women’s bodies by the men of upper caste and Dalit men and the subsequent resistance of Dalit women to this idea of objectification. The present article will explore how the Dalit women have changed their docile bodies into resistive bodies.
Micro-entrepreneurial Voices in Kalimpong Hills: An Inquiry Through Narrative
Contemporary Voice of Dalit, Ahead of Print.
Micro-entrepreneurship has historically played an important role in the country’s economic growth, environmental sustainability and employment generation. More specifically, it is vital in regions where large-scale industries are not viable due to geographical barriers, as it plays a significant driving force in promoting regional balance, reducing disparities between plains and hills, and preserving the traditional material culture of the diverse ethnic groups and tribes of different regions. Based on fieldwork conducted in different areas of the Kalimpong hills, this work will attempt to underscore the micro-entrepreneurs life experiences and perceptions towards the challenges concerning entrepreneurial practice through a narrative inquiry. It is an attempt to reconceptualise the significance of ‘micro entrepreneurs’ in the sub-Himalayan hills. The findings point out include: (a) structural constraints, (b) behavioural constraints and (c) political activities that contributed to distorting the entrepreneurial environment at the micro level in hills.
Micro-entrepreneurship has historically played an important role in the country’s economic growth, environmental sustainability and employment generation. More specifically, it is vital in regions where large-scale industries are not viable due to geographical barriers, as it plays a significant driving force in promoting regional balance, reducing disparities between plains and hills, and preserving the traditional material culture of the diverse ethnic groups and tribes of different regions. Based on fieldwork conducted in different areas of the Kalimpong hills, this work will attempt to underscore the micro-entrepreneurs life experiences and perceptions towards the challenges concerning entrepreneurial practice through a narrative inquiry. It is an attempt to reconceptualise the significance of ‘micro entrepreneurs’ in the sub-Himalayan hills. The findings point out include: (a) structural constraints, (b) behavioural constraints and (c) political activities that contributed to distorting the entrepreneurial environment at the micro level in hills.