Contemporary Voice of Dalit, Ahead of Print.
Kancha Ilaiah Shepherd & Karthik Raja Karuppusamy, The Shudras Vision for a New Path (Rethinking India Series 5). Penguin Random House, Vintage Books, 2021, 233 pp., ₹699. e-ISBN: 978-9-390-91424-1.
Deprivation and Social Exclusion of the Dalits: An Anthropological Observation
Contemporary Voice of Dalit, Ahead of Print.
Social stratification is an outcome of the unequal distribution of goods and services within a society. The basic question here is who gets what and why? It depends on cultural values, the organization of production and the access acquired by different individuals and groups within a society. The idea of social stratification is rooted in the customary ways in which economic resources are allocated and distributed. Certain other aspects, like prestige and power, also get unequally distributed. It varies from one society to another. Indian society is old and extremely complex. In the Hindu social system, there is a fifth or Pancham Varna or Avarna, which accommodates those supposedly unclean occupations that are believed to be polluting and untouchable. Dalits are the downtrodden and poor. It includes those termed in administrative parlance as scheduled castes, scheduled tribes and other backward classes. They are the poorest of the villages’ poor, living in squalor and misery, deprived of education and opportunities for improvement. Along with a number of other factors, sometimes the contemporary political situation plays a major role in the exploitation and deprivation of Dalits, which violates their fundamental human rights. These issues have been highlighted in this article.
Social stratification is an outcome of the unequal distribution of goods and services within a society. The basic question here is who gets what and why? It depends on cultural values, the organization of production and the access acquired by different individuals and groups within a society. The idea of social stratification is rooted in the customary ways in which economic resources are allocated and distributed. Certain other aspects, like prestige and power, also get unequally distributed. It varies from one society to another. Indian society is old and extremely complex. In the Hindu social system, there is a fifth or Pancham Varna or Avarna, which accommodates those supposedly unclean occupations that are believed to be polluting and untouchable. Dalits are the downtrodden and poor. It includes those termed in administrative parlance as scheduled castes, scheduled tribes and other backward classes. They are the poorest of the villages’ poor, living in squalor and misery, deprived of education and opportunities for improvement. Along with a number of other factors, sometimes the contemporary political situation plays a major role in the exploitation and deprivation of Dalits, which violates their fundamental human rights. These issues have been highlighted in this article.
The Quest for Horizontal Transgender Reservations Under the Spectre of Brahmanical Governmentality
Contemporary Voice of Dalit, Ahead of Print.
This article argues that the trajectory of transgender rights, especially the quest for transgender reservations is shrouded by the spectre of Brahmanical governmentality perpetuated by the state. Through an anti-caste analysis of the recent developments in this issue, it attempts to demonstrate that the denial of horizontal reservations for trans persons by the state fulfils the conditions of Brahmanical governmentality. It is characterized by a lack of a refusal to engage with trans persons’ lived realities, ignoring trans voices about vital issues pertaining to their community and the promulgation of legal and policy decisions which inimically affect the material interests of trans persons and perpetuate their oppression.
This article argues that the trajectory of transgender rights, especially the quest for transgender reservations is shrouded by the spectre of Brahmanical governmentality perpetuated by the state. Through an anti-caste analysis of the recent developments in this issue, it attempts to demonstrate that the denial of horizontal reservations for trans persons by the state fulfils the conditions of Brahmanical governmentality. It is characterized by a lack of a refusal to engage with trans persons’ lived realities, ignoring trans voices about vital issues pertaining to their community and the promulgation of legal and policy decisions which inimically affect the material interests of trans persons and perpetuate their oppression.
Book review: Rup Kumar Barman, Samakalin Paschimbanga: Jatpat, Jati-Rajniti O Tapashili Samaj
Contemporary Voice of Dalit, Ahead of Print.
Rup Kumar Barman, Samakalin Paschimbanga: Jatpat, Jati-Rajniti O Tapashili Samaj. Kolkata: Gangchil, 2022, 132 pp., ₹400 (Hardback). ISBN: 978-93-93569-42-4.
Rup Kumar Barman, Samakalin Paschimbanga: Jatpat, Jati-Rajniti O Tapashili Samaj. Kolkata: Gangchil, 2022, 132 pp., ₹400 (Hardback). ISBN: 978-93-93569-42-4.
Religious Conversion and Emancipation of Untouchables: Gandhi’s View, Ambedkar’s Action and Beyond
Contemporary Voice of Dalit, Ahead of Print.
Dr B.R. Ambedkar led the mass conversion of the Mahar population from Hinduism to Navayana Buddhism in the year 1956, aiming at the emancipation of the Mahar community, who were treated as untouchables. Dr Ambedkar believed that since untouchability was a part of Hindu tradition, Mahars could not be freed from it until they remained within the Hindu tradition. Contrarily, M.K. Gandhi maintained religious conversion as the purification and change of heart and attaining a higher level of spirituality. Every great religion has the capability for reform within it. He believed that a change of heart being within own religious tradition might eradicate social evils like untouchability, and for that, one should not change his religion. The article thus discusses the various perspectives of religious conversions and analyses the views of these two great thinkers of modern India, situating the Mahar conversion as the primary focus. Based on secondary literature sources, the author tries to situate the views of Gandhi and Ambedkar in the broader discourse on religious conversion and show that the Mahar conversion had a socio-political necessity and Gandhi’s views and appeal for eradication of untouchability did not have a practical value given the socio-religious context in India.
Dr B.R. Ambedkar led the mass conversion of the Mahar population from Hinduism to Navayana Buddhism in the year 1956, aiming at the emancipation of the Mahar community, who were treated as untouchables. Dr Ambedkar believed that since untouchability was a part of Hindu tradition, Mahars could not be freed from it until they remained within the Hindu tradition. Contrarily, M.K. Gandhi maintained religious conversion as the purification and change of heart and attaining a higher level of spirituality. Every great religion has the capability for reform within it. He believed that a change of heart being within own religious tradition might eradicate social evils like untouchability, and for that, one should not change his religion. The article thus discusses the various perspectives of religious conversions and analyses the views of these two great thinkers of modern India, situating the Mahar conversion as the primary focus. Based on secondary literature sources, the author tries to situate the views of Gandhi and Ambedkar in the broader discourse on religious conversion and show that the Mahar conversion had a socio-political necessity and Gandhi’s views and appeal for eradication of untouchability did not have a practical value given the socio-religious context in India.
Putin’s puppets in the West? The far right’s reaction to the 2022 Russian (re)invasion of Ukraine
Party Politics, Ahead of Print.
While an argument that the far right supports Putin is popular, comparative analysis of far-right parties’ stances on Russia is generally lacking. In the wake of the 2022 Russian (re)invasion of Ukraine, this becomes increasingly problematic. This study aims to fill this gap and provide an initial answer(s) to an increasingly important question of who supports Putin's Russia within the Western world. First, I examine the immediate reactions to the 2022 (re)invasion of far-right parties across the European Union. Based on the findings, new sub-categories within the far right in terms of stances on Putin’s Russia are proposed. Second, I provide a comparative analysis of the roll-call votes in the European Parliament on resolutions condemning Russia’s actions and test the proposed sub-categories.
While an argument that the far right supports Putin is popular, comparative analysis of far-right parties’ stances on Russia is generally lacking. In the wake of the 2022 Russian (re)invasion of Ukraine, this becomes increasingly problematic. This study aims to fill this gap and provide an initial answer(s) to an increasingly important question of who supports Putin's Russia within the Western world. First, I examine the immediate reactions to the 2022 (re)invasion of far-right parties across the European Union. Based on the findings, new sub-categories within the far right in terms of stances on Putin’s Russia are proposed. Second, I provide a comparative analysis of the roll-call votes in the European Parliament on resolutions condemning Russia’s actions and test the proposed sub-categories.
Book review: Tansen Sen and Brian Tsui (eds.), Beyond Pan-Asianism: Connecting China and India, 1840s–1960s
China Report, Volume 59, Issue 4, Page 475-478, November 2023.
Tansen Sen and Brian Tsui (eds.), Beyond Pan-Asianism: Connecting China and India, 1840s–1960s (India: Oxford University Press, 2021), pp. 489, ₹899. ISBN 9780190129118 (Hardcover).
Tansen Sen and Brian Tsui (eds.), Beyond Pan-Asianism: Connecting China and India, 1840s–1960s (India: Oxford University Press, 2021), pp. 489, ₹899. ISBN 9780190129118 (Hardcover).
Women and climate change: examining discourses from the global north
Beyond the Eurocentrism of immigration ethics: Tanzania and pan-African Ujamaa
Journal of International Political Theory, Ahead of Print.
Immigration ethics debates remain deeply Eurocentric in their assumptions and focus. Due to the dominance of a universalising, liberal perspective, the thought and experience of the global south continues to be excluded, except as ‘senders’ or ‘transiters’ of people. Not only does the debate thereby misrepresent the majority of the world, it also necessarily excludes that majority from having anything useful to say about ethical approaches to immigration. In this way, it offers a partial, parochial, local theory that mischaracterises itself as international and universal. By making common cause with decolonising approaches from Latin America, this article seeks to challenge this Eurocentrism by drawing on an example of African immigration ethics: postcolonial Tanzania’s ‘open door’ era. Here, the combination of the OAU’s expanded definition of a refugee, alongside the ‘traditional’ indigenous values of Julius Nyerere’s pan-Africanism and native socialism (ujamaa), made for a generous, if highly restricted welcome for hundreds of thousands of people. This reveals the need for immigration ethics to dispense with the search for ‘universal’ norms that are limiting and exclusionary. Instead, it should explore pluriversality: the importance of local, creative, relational responses to mobile populations that are ongoing in the global south.
Immigration ethics debates remain deeply Eurocentric in their assumptions and focus. Due to the dominance of a universalising, liberal perspective, the thought and experience of the global south continues to be excluded, except as ‘senders’ or ‘transiters’ of people. Not only does the debate thereby misrepresent the majority of the world, it also necessarily excludes that majority from having anything useful to say about ethical approaches to immigration. In this way, it offers a partial, parochial, local theory that mischaracterises itself as international and universal. By making common cause with decolonising approaches from Latin America, this article seeks to challenge this Eurocentrism by drawing on an example of African immigration ethics: postcolonial Tanzania’s ‘open door’ era. Here, the combination of the OAU’s expanded definition of a refugee, alongside the ‘traditional’ indigenous values of Julius Nyerere’s pan-Africanism and native socialism (ujamaa), made for a generous, if highly restricted welcome for hundreds of thousands of people. This reveals the need for immigration ethics to dispense with the search for ‘universal’ norms that are limiting and exclusionary. Instead, it should explore pluriversality: the importance of local, creative, relational responses to mobile populations that are ongoing in the global south.
Do experts and citizens perceive party competition similarly?
Party Politics, Ahead of Print.
Researchers frequently rely on expert surveys to acquire information about political ideology and political parties, which they then use to explore a range of political phenomena such as proximity voting and satisfaction with democracy. Yet it is unclear whether experts and citizens place the parties similarly, which may have important implications for studies that rely on expert data. To what extent do citizens share expert views regarding political party placements? Using original data from Canada, we use multidimensional scaling techniques to examine and compare the responses of academic and journalist experts against a random sample of Canadians to a range of party placement questions. Our results suggest there is considerable variation between citizens and experts, and among specific subgroups of the general population. These findings have important implications for studies of party competition, voting behavior, and government responsiveness.
Researchers frequently rely on expert surveys to acquire information about political ideology and political parties, which they then use to explore a range of political phenomena such as proximity voting and satisfaction with democracy. Yet it is unclear whether experts and citizens place the parties similarly, which may have important implications for studies that rely on expert data. To what extent do citizens share expert views regarding political party placements? Using original data from Canada, we use multidimensional scaling techniques to examine and compare the responses of academic and journalist experts against a random sample of Canadians to a range of party placement questions. Our results suggest there is considerable variation between citizens and experts, and among specific subgroups of the general population. These findings have important implications for studies of party competition, voting behavior, and government responsiveness.