Contemporary Voice of Dalit, Ahead of Print.
Pandit C. Iyothee Thass, better known as Iyothee Thass Pandithar (1845–1914), was a social thinker who lived in Tamil Nadu and has now become a part of the social academic discourse of contemporary times. He is well-read in various disciplines like sociology, politics, religion, culture, medicine and journalism. His way of thinking is known as Iyotheethasariyam. Instead of the traditional Vedic history that focused on Brahmins and Hinduism, he created an alternative history named ‘Indra Desa Sarithiram’ by focusing on Buddhism and the oppressed people, which is considered the first subaltern history written in Tamil from the perspective of the oppressed. The article discusses the inadequacies of traditional histories and the need for alternative histories. Furthermore, it enquires about the importance of oral data in reconstructing the histories of the oppressed and neglected people by the ruling class, the methods of writing alternative histories, and the historiographical strategies that help the oppressed communities to reconstruct their histories through the thoughts of Iyothee Thass.
Putting their money where their mouth is: The gendered dynamics of central party financial transfers to local election candidates
Party Politics, Ahead of Print.
Political parties around the world have made widely publicized efforts to improve women’s representation in elected office. While many have investigated these efforts by focusing on gender dynamics during candidate recruitment and selection, party support for women after they are nominated remains somewhat under-analysed. We begin addressing this gap by asking if central party bodies provide women candidates with additional financial support during general election campaigns. Our study leverages population data capturing intraparty financial transfers within three major parties during the 2008 and 2011 Canadian federal elections (n=1845). The results demonstrate that parties, regardless of ideology, can and do support women candidates with additional campaign funds. However, support from the centre is not always consistent across time or competitive contexts. We conclude that if political parties are sincere in wanting to reduce representational inequities, then consistently providing women candidates with additional financial support is another way of doing so.
Political parties around the world have made widely publicized efforts to improve women’s representation in elected office. While many have investigated these efforts by focusing on gender dynamics during candidate recruitment and selection, party support for women after they are nominated remains somewhat under-analysed. We begin addressing this gap by asking if central party bodies provide women candidates with additional financial support during general election campaigns. Our study leverages population data capturing intraparty financial transfers within three major parties during the 2008 and 2011 Canadian federal elections (n=1845). The results demonstrate that parties, regardless of ideology, can and do support women candidates with additional campaign funds. However, support from the centre is not always consistent across time or competitive contexts. We conclude that if political parties are sincere in wanting to reduce representational inequities, then consistently providing women candidates with additional financial support is another way of doing so.
Overcoming the cost of governance? Junior party strategy in multi-level politics
Party Politics, Ahead of Print.
How can junior coalition members overcome the costs of governing in a coalition? In this article, we argue that junior partners can use supranational and subnational political institutions as a venue for signaling disagreement with their coalition partners to mitigate the brand dilution that occurs in the coalition. To test this argument, we use roll-call data from the European Parliament (EP) from 1999-2009 to demonstrate that when intra-coalitional conflict increases, junior parties are more likely to defect from the prime minister’s party. In addition, we find that while junior parties in general are no more likely to defect on votes focused on their owned issues, niche parties are more likely to defect from the PM’s party on their owned issues as intra-coalitional conflict increases. Our results have important implications for junior party behavior and how multi-level politics can be used to strengthen party brands.
How can junior coalition members overcome the costs of governing in a coalition? In this article, we argue that junior partners can use supranational and subnational political institutions as a venue for signaling disagreement with their coalition partners to mitigate the brand dilution that occurs in the coalition. To test this argument, we use roll-call data from the European Parliament (EP) from 1999-2009 to demonstrate that when intra-coalitional conflict increases, junior parties are more likely to defect from the prime minister’s party. In addition, we find that while junior parties in general are no more likely to defect on votes focused on their owned issues, niche parties are more likely to defect from the PM’s party on their owned issues as intra-coalitional conflict increases. Our results have important implications for junior party behavior and how multi-level politics can be used to strengthen party brands.
The Spatial Dimension of the ‘New’ Chinese State Capitalism: Exploring RMB Transnationalization in Luxembourg and Its Implications for Monetary Autonomy
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Navigating complexity: exploring the changing dynamics of coalition avoidance in Germany, 1946–2023
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The state
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From ‘house of horrors’ to ‘sensitive’ governance: sex workers’ shelter detention in India
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Patterns of political career movements in multi-level systems: a cross-national comparison of twenty-seven countries
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Local autonomy around the world: the updated and extended Local Autonomy Index (LAI 2.0)
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Jeopardizing liberal democracy: the trouble with demarchy
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