Party Politics, Ahead of Print.
The issue positions of political actors are often ambiguous, resulting in uncertainty on the part of voters. Such ambiguity constitutes a challenge to representation, as it prevents voters from getting a clear understanding of parties’ positions. Ironically, despite growing interest in the concept, the concept itself is remarkably ambiguous: different studies use different conceptualisations of ambiguity, which hampers theory integration. This paper proposes a three-dimensional conceptualization of ambiguity: party positions are ambiguous to the extent that parties deemphasize them, remain vague or inconsistent on them. A review of 103 studies establishes the prevalence of these three dimensions in the literature, shows that most studies focus on a single dimension, and reveals lacunae in the current research on ambiguity. Based on the three-dimensional conceptualisation, the paper then develops a preliminary framework on the causes of ambiguity, outlines key gaps in the literature and suggests promising avenues of theory development.
Organizational reputation in executive politics: Citizen-oriented units in the German federal bureaucracy
International Review of Administrative Sciences, Ahead of Print.
In recent years, governments have increased their efforts to strengthen the citizen-orientation in policy design. They have established temporary arenas as well as permanent units inside the machinery of government to integrate citizens into policy formulation, leading to a “laboratorization” of central government organizations. We argue that the evolution and role of these units herald new dynamics in the importance of organizational reputation for executive politics. These actors deviate from the classic palette of organizational units inside the machinery of government and thus require their own reputation vis-à-vis various audiences within and outside their parent organization. Based on a comparative case study of two of these units inside the German federal bureaucracy, we show how ambiguous expectations of their audiences challenge their organizational reputation. Both units resolve these tensions by balancing their weaker professional and procedural reputation with a stronger performative and moral reputation. We conclude that government units aiming to improve citizen orientation in policy design may benefit from engaging with citizens as their external audience to compensate for a weaker reputation in the eyes of their audiences inside the government organization.Points for practitioners Many governments have introduced novel means to strengthen citizen-centered policy design, which has led to an emergence of novel units inside central government that differ from traditional bureaucratic structures and procedures.This study analyzes how these new units may build their organizational reputation vis-à-vis internal and external actors in government policymaking.We show that such units assert themselves primarily based on their performative and moral reputation.
In recent years, governments have increased their efforts to strengthen the citizen-orientation in policy design. They have established temporary arenas as well as permanent units inside the machinery of government to integrate citizens into policy formulation, leading to a “laboratorization” of central government organizations. We argue that the evolution and role of these units herald new dynamics in the importance of organizational reputation for executive politics. These actors deviate from the classic palette of organizational units inside the machinery of government and thus require their own reputation vis-à-vis various audiences within and outside their parent organization. Based on a comparative case study of two of these units inside the German federal bureaucracy, we show how ambiguous expectations of their audiences challenge their organizational reputation. Both units resolve these tensions by balancing their weaker professional and procedural reputation with a stronger performative and moral reputation. We conclude that government units aiming to improve citizen orientation in policy design may benefit from engaging with citizens as their external audience to compensate for a weaker reputation in the eyes of their audiences inside the government organization.Points for practitioners Many governments have introduced novel means to strengthen citizen-centered policy design, which has led to an emergence of novel units inside central government that differ from traditional bureaucratic structures and procedures.This study analyzes how these new units may build their organizational reputation vis-à-vis internal and external actors in government policymaking.We show that such units assert themselves primarily based on their performative and moral reputation.
Dissimilarities in Access to Sanitation Facilities by Caste and Region in India and States
Contemporary Voice of Dalit, Ahead of Print.
In India, most people have been finding it challenging to maintain their quality of life, such as standard housing, access to basic minimum drinking water facilities, sanitation, public hygiene, etc. This study attempts to study the availability of housing and household amenities among social groups and identify the inter-rural−urban differences in basic sanitation facilities. Data from the Census of India, 2011, H-Series household amenities and assets, was used to measure the dissimilarity between inter-rural−urban differences by social groups. The present study aimed to explore the differentials across the region and social groups by the availability of different basic sanitation facilities. Analysis shows striking dissimilarities in rural areas of states such as Madhya Pradesh, Odisha, Jharkhand, Tripura and the union territory of Daman and Diu. Moreover, the intensity of dissimilarities is prominently observed between caste Others and ST in rural areas. However, in the state of Jammu and Kashmir, the dissimilarity in the availability of bathrooms without a roof is observed uniformly across regions and among social groups. Furthermore, the study emphasizes that although dissimilarity may not be visible at an aggregate level, it is very much visible at the sub-aggregate level across regions and between castes. Hence, it is proposed to conduct and collect data based on a holistic approach incorporating people’s behaviour, attitudes, cultural norms and biases while providing sanitation facilities and those who are availing them. Such research studies will provide a deeper insight into the root causes of such dissimilarities, which may be due to geographical location, the non-availability of water, cultural practices, biases, etc., or the intersection of all these factors. Identifying hotspots at the micro level will help accelerate the success of government schemes such as the Swachh Bharat Mission.
In India, most people have been finding it challenging to maintain their quality of life, such as standard housing, access to basic minimum drinking water facilities, sanitation, public hygiene, etc. This study attempts to study the availability of housing and household amenities among social groups and identify the inter-rural−urban differences in basic sanitation facilities. Data from the Census of India, 2011, H-Series household amenities and assets, was used to measure the dissimilarity between inter-rural−urban differences by social groups. The present study aimed to explore the differentials across the region and social groups by the availability of different basic sanitation facilities. Analysis shows striking dissimilarities in rural areas of states such as Madhya Pradesh, Odisha, Jharkhand, Tripura and the union territory of Daman and Diu. Moreover, the intensity of dissimilarities is prominently observed between caste Others and ST in rural areas. However, in the state of Jammu and Kashmir, the dissimilarity in the availability of bathrooms without a roof is observed uniformly across regions and among social groups. Furthermore, the study emphasizes that although dissimilarity may not be visible at an aggregate level, it is very much visible at the sub-aggregate level across regions and between castes. Hence, it is proposed to conduct and collect data based on a holistic approach incorporating people’s behaviour, attitudes, cultural norms and biases while providing sanitation facilities and those who are availing them. Such research studies will provide a deeper insight into the root causes of such dissimilarities, which may be due to geographical location, the non-availability of water, cultural practices, biases, etc., or the intersection of all these factors. Identifying hotspots at the micro level will help accelerate the success of government schemes such as the Swachh Bharat Mission.
Radek
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A Land with a People: Palestinians and Jews Confront Zionism
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Romantic Anti-Capitalism and Nature: The Enchanted Garden
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De/centralization in Argentina, 1862–2020
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De/centralization in Argentina, 1862–2020
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Vision Documents, Nation Branding and the Legitimation of Non-democratic Regimes
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From “permanent opposition” to the “power”: Anti-systemic parties in Turkey
Party Politics, Ahead of Print.
This study aims to explain why some anti-systemic parties come to power while others remain as permanent opposition or disappear over time. The evidence is sought from the comparative analysis of the socialist Workers’ Party of Turkey (Türkiye İşçi Partisi, 1961-1971, permanent opposition) and the pro-Islamic Welfare Party (Refah Partisi, 1983-1998, in power). In particular, the parties are compared and contrasted in terms of their organizational style, leadership structure, and linkage with the voters. The paper argues that while the TIP built a loose and vertical local organization, the RP had a strong grassroots organization cemented through Islamic ideology. Second, while the RP had an unchallenged leadership of Necmettin Erbakan, the TIP had a fragmented leadership resulting from multiple ideological conflicts which undermined the efficiency of the decision-making process and its implementation. Finally, while the TIP was a textbook example of a programmatic party under the guidance of socialist ideology, the RP heavily relied on the distribution of clientelist resources – mostly emanating from its control in the municipalities and central government – to address voters. Overall, the RP took advantage of these strategies to rapidly extend its voter base beyond core voters, particularly in metropolitan areas, while the TIP largely remained restricted to narrow constituencies.
This study aims to explain why some anti-systemic parties come to power while others remain as permanent opposition or disappear over time. The evidence is sought from the comparative analysis of the socialist Workers’ Party of Turkey (Türkiye İşçi Partisi, 1961-1971, permanent opposition) and the pro-Islamic Welfare Party (Refah Partisi, 1983-1998, in power). In particular, the parties are compared and contrasted in terms of their organizational style, leadership structure, and linkage with the voters. The paper argues that while the TIP built a loose and vertical local organization, the RP had a strong grassroots organization cemented through Islamic ideology. Second, while the RP had an unchallenged leadership of Necmettin Erbakan, the TIP had a fragmented leadership resulting from multiple ideological conflicts which undermined the efficiency of the decision-making process and its implementation. Finally, while the TIP was a textbook example of a programmatic party under the guidance of socialist ideology, the RP heavily relied on the distribution of clientelist resources – mostly emanating from its control in the municipalities and central government – to address voters. Overall, the RP took advantage of these strategies to rapidly extend its voter base beyond core voters, particularly in metropolitan areas, while the TIP largely remained restricted to narrow constituencies.