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Riot in the party? Voter registrations in the aftermath of the January 6, 2021 capitol insurrection
Party Politics, Ahead of Print.
Following the 6 January 2021 insurrection at the U.S. Capitol, news outlets reported that registered Republicans were leaving the party in droves. Drawing on millions of individual-level voter registration records in Florida, we place post-riot party-switching in broader context. We investigate whether Republicans were more likely to experience greater out-migration after the riot, detail to which parties’ individuals switched their allegiances, use a difference-in-difference strategy to determine if the 2021 exodus was greater than 4 years earlier, and examine whether those who decamped from the GOP returned to the fold a year later. We find that registered voters who switched parties after the January 6th uprising were more likely to be white, middle-aged, high-propensity voters, and that Republicans were nearly four times more likely than Democrats to defect following the insurrection. We also find that the GOP defection rate after January 6th was nine times higher than during the same time period in 2017. However, we find that Republican registrants who switched parties post-riot did not migrate to the Democratic Party, but rather became independents, and that a year later, almost no Republicans (only 4.6%) who had defected returned to their GOP roots.
Following the 6 January 2021 insurrection at the U.S. Capitol, news outlets reported that registered Republicans were leaving the party in droves. Drawing on millions of individual-level voter registration records in Florida, we place post-riot party-switching in broader context. We investigate whether Republicans were more likely to experience greater out-migration after the riot, detail to which parties’ individuals switched their allegiances, use a difference-in-difference strategy to determine if the 2021 exodus was greater than 4 years earlier, and examine whether those who decamped from the GOP returned to the fold a year later. We find that registered voters who switched parties after the January 6th uprising were more likely to be white, middle-aged, high-propensity voters, and that Republicans were nearly four times more likely than Democrats to defect following the insurrection. We also find that the GOP defection rate after January 6th was nine times higher than during the same time period in 2017. However, we find that Republican registrants who switched parties post-riot did not migrate to the Democratic Party, but rather became independents, and that a year later, almost no Republicans (only 4.6%) who had defected returned to their GOP roots.
Shifting responsibility in governing aging: municipal active aging discourses in Turkey
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The togetherness of peoples: the genesis of a humanist agenda in a post-Westphalian age
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Normative Influence of the Dalits: A Stigmatized Existence
Contemporary Voice of Dalit, Ahead of Print.
This article discusses the behaviour of the Dalit who hides their identity of being a Dalit and pretends to be a person who represents the other caste that is present in the caste hierarchy. To gain societal recognition, Yashica Dutt’s mother deliberately professes to be an upper caste for the society. Dutt does not want to reveal her identity because of the humiliation she had faced earlier. This identity crisis becomes a stigma and then she adopts the behaviour, nature and tradition of another caste.
This article discusses the behaviour of the Dalit who hides their identity of being a Dalit and pretends to be a person who represents the other caste that is present in the caste hierarchy. To gain societal recognition, Yashica Dutt’s mother deliberately professes to be an upper caste for the society. Dutt does not want to reveal her identity because of the humiliation she had faced earlier. This identity crisis becomes a stigma and then she adopts the behaviour, nature and tradition of another caste.
Decolonizing Policy Research as Restorative Research Justice: Applying an Indigenous Policy Research Framework (IPRF)
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From Traditional to Modern Atrocities: Has Caste Changed in Independent India?
Contemporary Voice of Dalit, Ahead of Print.
Committing atrocities is as inherent to caste as caste is to Hinduism. Maintaining these values by enacting atrocities on castes lower in the strata, combined with socio-economic-political developments, has massively changed the essence of caste in independent India. These developments have led to a ‘de-ritualization of caste’, persisting as a ‘kinship-based cultural community’—still stratified but functioning around politics and economics. This transition is in contrast to the tradition-rooted practices and ideology of pre-and colonial India. However, have caste atrocities changed since India’s independence? This article will showcase these post-independence social transitions in anti-Dalit atrocities despite and due to legal provisions formulated during and immediately after the colonial-era, and the economic reforms in post-colonial India. I argue that the caste system has deteriorated post-independence with an increase in the number of atrocities and their gruesomeness. This is explained through Anupama Rao’s assessment of legal provisions, Smiti Sharma’s analysis of the correlation between economic status and caste-based crimes and their effects, and lastly, Anand Teltumbde’s analysis of transformations in the motivations of crimes, perpetrators and performance of atrocities. Quantitative data is used to illustrate the failure of legal provisions in preventing the rising violence against Dalits and the growing economic disparity between different castes as one of its causes. A qualitative analysis of these developments assesses the changing social attitudes of dominant castes that use violence against ‘Dalit assertion’. Unpacking the 2009 Khairlanji massacre is pertinent to my analysis of atrocity to reveal all these sides of caste violence and the contributions of state, civil society, media and other institutions in its wake.
Committing atrocities is as inherent to caste as caste is to Hinduism. Maintaining these values by enacting atrocities on castes lower in the strata, combined with socio-economic-political developments, has massively changed the essence of caste in independent India. These developments have led to a ‘de-ritualization of caste’, persisting as a ‘kinship-based cultural community’—still stratified but functioning around politics and economics. This transition is in contrast to the tradition-rooted practices and ideology of pre-and colonial India. However, have caste atrocities changed since India’s independence? This article will showcase these post-independence social transitions in anti-Dalit atrocities despite and due to legal provisions formulated during and immediately after the colonial-era, and the economic reforms in post-colonial India. I argue that the caste system has deteriorated post-independence with an increase in the number of atrocities and their gruesomeness. This is explained through Anupama Rao’s assessment of legal provisions, Smiti Sharma’s analysis of the correlation between economic status and caste-based crimes and their effects, and lastly, Anand Teltumbde’s analysis of transformations in the motivations of crimes, perpetrators and performance of atrocities. Quantitative data is used to illustrate the failure of legal provisions in preventing the rising violence against Dalits and the growing economic disparity between different castes as one of its causes. A qualitative analysis of these developments assesses the changing social attitudes of dominant castes that use violence against ‘Dalit assertion’. Unpacking the 2009 Khairlanji massacre is pertinent to my analysis of atrocity to reveal all these sides of caste violence and the contributions of state, civil society, media and other institutions in its wake.
Dr. B. R. Ambedkar Bhavans/Community Halls in Telangana: An Evaluation Study
Contemporary Voice of Dalit, Ahead of Print.
The question of the development of Scheduled Castes (SCs) and its analysis received considerable attention during the post-Independence period. The Central and State governments have been launching several programmes and institutions for the economic and social progress of the SCs as well as raising the consciousness of their rights. The Ambedkar statues and the construction of Ambedkar Bhavans/community halls are a platform for organizing the SCs to debate and articulate key issues and concerns; fostering solidarity among SCs is an important initiative of the government, across the country. The core objectives of the study are to examine the distribution of Ambedkar Bhavans/community halls in the districts and budgetary allocations and the expenditure incurred towards the construction of the halls. The other objective is to assess the utilization of Ambedkar Bhavans/community halls and the activities undertaken in them and their impact on the empowerment of Scheduled Castes in the selected districts. The empirical study highlights that the members of the community are making use of the community halls to debate the issues of their surroundings and the implementation of government schemes, besides organizing their social functions and economic activities. However, there is no rationality in allocating the budget for the land and the construction of buildings across the districts in the state.
The question of the development of Scheduled Castes (SCs) and its analysis received considerable attention during the post-Independence period. The Central and State governments have been launching several programmes and institutions for the economic and social progress of the SCs as well as raising the consciousness of their rights. The Ambedkar statues and the construction of Ambedkar Bhavans/community halls are a platform for organizing the SCs to debate and articulate key issues and concerns; fostering solidarity among SCs is an important initiative of the government, across the country. The core objectives of the study are to examine the distribution of Ambedkar Bhavans/community halls in the districts and budgetary allocations and the expenditure incurred towards the construction of the halls. The other objective is to assess the utilization of Ambedkar Bhavans/community halls and the activities undertaken in them and their impact on the empowerment of Scheduled Castes in the selected districts. The empirical study highlights that the members of the community are making use of the community halls to debate the issues of their surroundings and the implementation of government schemes, besides organizing their social functions and economic activities. However, there is no rationality in allocating the budget for the land and the construction of buildings across the districts in the state.
An Empirical Analysis of Tribal Identity in Indian Literature
Contemporary Voice of Dalit, Ahead of Print.
Homogenizing the heterogeneous Indian tribes might be unfair. However, as large groups of tribal families are the subjects of study, the word ‘tribes’ was adopted as a grab for the underprivileged people, regardless of geographical location or cultural moorings. The current study analyse the significance of ethnographic novels that specifically evoke cultural experiences and the efficiency of their strategies in depicting people via the analysis of the two books such as Paraja (authored in Oriya in 1945) by Gopinath Mohanty and translated by Bikram K. Das in 2001, and Chotti Munda and His Arrow (Bangla title is Chotti Munda ebang Tar Tir, 1980) by Mahasweta Devi and translated by Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak in 2002. The current study emphasizes the shifting paradigms of centre–right binarism by using fictional works by well-known writers Mahasweta Devi and Gopinath Mohanty who have done literary works that spoke about the rights of tribal community.
Homogenizing the heterogeneous Indian tribes might be unfair. However, as large groups of tribal families are the subjects of study, the word ‘tribes’ was adopted as a grab for the underprivileged people, regardless of geographical location or cultural moorings. The current study analyse the significance of ethnographic novels that specifically evoke cultural experiences and the efficiency of their strategies in depicting people via the analysis of the two books such as Paraja (authored in Oriya in 1945) by Gopinath Mohanty and translated by Bikram K. Das in 2001, and Chotti Munda and His Arrow (Bangla title is Chotti Munda ebang Tar Tir, 1980) by Mahasweta Devi and translated by Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak in 2002. The current study emphasizes the shifting paradigms of centre–right binarism by using fictional works by well-known writers Mahasweta Devi and Gopinath Mohanty who have done literary works that spoke about the rights of tribal community.
Representational Space as Cultural Production in Dalit Text
Contemporary Voice of Dalit, Ahead of Print.
This article discusses how space works in the narrative world of a Dalit writer and how space is evolved for a writer to represent and register their perspectives. A Dalit writer’s representation can be evolved from recognition of themselves within their community and place. It happens in a particular period when the writer realizes their identity as Dalit. The cultural production happens through language when the experience is penned down. The fullest expression of the writer is so vivid when the narrative space is supple. This article involves Sharan Kumar Limbale’s Outcaste and Yashica Dutt’s Coming Out as Dalit. These two autobiographical novels talk about the spatial influence, importance, changes, and reproduction of culture through language, and their text is explained. Auto-narration is more important in the aspect of Dalit writing and it is being explained here the importance of it. The auto narrative of a Dalit writer gives an extended meaning to the text.
This article discusses how space works in the narrative world of a Dalit writer and how space is evolved for a writer to represent and register their perspectives. A Dalit writer’s representation can be evolved from recognition of themselves within their community and place. It happens in a particular period when the writer realizes their identity as Dalit. The cultural production happens through language when the experience is penned down. The fullest expression of the writer is so vivid when the narrative space is supple. This article involves Sharan Kumar Limbale’s Outcaste and Yashica Dutt’s Coming Out as Dalit. These two autobiographical novels talk about the spatial influence, importance, changes, and reproduction of culture through language, and their text is explained. Auto-narration is more important in the aspect of Dalit writing and it is being explained here the importance of it. The auto narrative of a Dalit writer gives an extended meaning to the text.