Contemporary Voice of Dalit, Ahead of Print.
Human rights actually refer to those elemental rights which any human deserves to have honoured in order to survive, enjoy well-being and flourish or fulfil him or herself by virtue of being a human. But today, the wave of the new world order, exploitative attitude, consumerism and greed of a few are refuting the needs of many. In this regard, along with a number of factors, the issues related to the displacement of the population have emerged as major ones. Particularly due to this factor, the concerned people have to lose their permanent settlement and stable economic pursuit and they are forced to face severe inconveniences in every aspect of their livelihood. Ultimately, the different aspects of their fundamental human rights are being seriously violated. These issues have been observed among the stone crushers of Balasan river bed, who were displaced from their earlier settlement and are struggling for their common minimum livelihood.
Born out of civil wars: Are former rebel parties an organizationally distinct type of party?
Party Politics, Ahead of Print.
In recent years, there has been a considerable amount of work on the transformation of formerly rebel groups into political parties. However, there is little work that examines the organizational types of parties that formerly armed groups become. Are these parties more likely to exhibit certain organizational characteristics when compared to other parties? This is an important question especially as scholars consider the role these former rebel parties play in the development of peace and democracy in post-civil war politics. Using data from Daly (2020) and Tuncel and Manning (2022), as well as recently released data from V-Dem on political parties (Coppedge et al 2020) we find that former rebel parties are more clientelistic and personalistic than other parties, even compared to parties in countries where they compete. We suggest that these parties are unlikely to play a constructive role in post conflict democratization.
In recent years, there has been a considerable amount of work on the transformation of formerly rebel groups into political parties. However, there is little work that examines the organizational types of parties that formerly armed groups become. Are these parties more likely to exhibit certain organizational characteristics when compared to other parties? This is an important question especially as scholars consider the role these former rebel parties play in the development of peace and democracy in post-civil war politics. Using data from Daly (2020) and Tuncel and Manning (2022), as well as recently released data from V-Dem on political parties (Coppedge et al 2020) we find that former rebel parties are more clientelistic and personalistic than other parties, even compared to parties in countries where they compete. We suggest that these parties are unlikely to play a constructive role in post conflict democratization.
Emerging federal structures in the Post-Cold War era
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Emerging federal structures in the Post-Cold War era
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Seeking Space in Post-Partition Bengal: Reading Kalyani Thakur Charal’s Autobiography Ami Kano Charal Likhi through a Gender and Caste Perspective
Contemporary Voice of Dalit, Volume 15, Issue 1_suppl, Page S127-S138, August 2023.
Space for Dalits is either hierarchically organized or publicly restricted or perpetually excluded from mainstream Indian society. The process of ‘Othering’ and abandonment of the outcastes for possessing a space, sanctioned by the laws of varnashrama, was subtly retained and manipulated by the new democratic Indian government during the rehabilitation process of the post-partition Bengal and thus enforced the Dalit refugees to adopt the identity of either vagabonds or delinquents. Spatial insecurity and its explicit exhibition through the emotions of the Dalit men usually suppressed the pain and suffering of the Dalit women that entailed their struggle for psychic space due to their inability to articulate their angst. This article aims to explore how both the Dalit men and women were struggling to seek a physical and psychical space and also discuss how the long-term consequence of the partition left an imprint of both the negative and positive impact on the coming generations of Dalit women with special reference to Kalyani Thakur Charal’s autobiography, Ami Kano Charal Likhi (2016) which effectively echoes the collective voice of her Namasudra community through the ‘inherited’ memory of the partition.
Space for Dalits is either hierarchically organized or publicly restricted or perpetually excluded from mainstream Indian society. The process of ‘Othering’ and abandonment of the outcastes for possessing a space, sanctioned by the laws of varnashrama, was subtly retained and manipulated by the new democratic Indian government during the rehabilitation process of the post-partition Bengal and thus enforced the Dalit refugees to adopt the identity of either vagabonds or delinquents. Spatial insecurity and its explicit exhibition through the emotions of the Dalit men usually suppressed the pain and suffering of the Dalit women that entailed their struggle for psychic space due to their inability to articulate their angst. This article aims to explore how both the Dalit men and women were struggling to seek a physical and psychical space and also discuss how the long-term consequence of the partition left an imprint of both the negative and positive impact on the coming generations of Dalit women with special reference to Kalyani Thakur Charal’s autobiography, Ami Kano Charal Likhi (2016) which effectively echoes the collective voice of her Namasudra community through the ‘inherited’ memory of the partition.
Situating Democracy in Ambedkar’s Moral Discourse
Contemporary Voice of Dalit, Ahead of Print.
This article aims to look at the idea of moral democracy in Ambedkar and his reconstruction of democracy as a ‘way of life’. Much of the work on Ambedkar’s idea of democracy has been significantly understood within the context of social, political and economic democracy. This article asks a different question: what could be a moral foundation of democracy in Ambedkar’s thought? His engagement with democracy addresses the issue of caste and injustice in Indian society. A moral approach to Ambedkar’s thought may guide us to understand his path towards democracy. This article explores Ambedkar’s notion of everyday democracy, which is foregrounded in his last work Buddha and His Dhamma. For him, democracy is thoroughly grounded on the concept of Dhamma as a righteous relation between people in every sphere of life.
This article aims to look at the idea of moral democracy in Ambedkar and his reconstruction of democracy as a ‘way of life’. Much of the work on Ambedkar’s idea of democracy has been significantly understood within the context of social, political and economic democracy. This article asks a different question: what could be a moral foundation of democracy in Ambedkar’s thought? His engagement with democracy addresses the issue of caste and injustice in Indian society. A moral approach to Ambedkar’s thought may guide us to understand his path towards democracy. This article explores Ambedkar’s notion of everyday democracy, which is foregrounded in his last work Buddha and His Dhamma. For him, democracy is thoroughly grounded on the concept of Dhamma as a righteous relation between people in every sphere of life.
Politics of Emancipation: A Feminist Defense of Randomly Selected Political Representatives
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Social and Political Concerns of Lata Mangeshkar: An Ambedkarite Perspective
Contemporary Voice of Dalit, Ahead of Print.
Playback singer Lata Mangeshkar was the uncrowned queen of Indian music for over seven decades. Her songs were heard and admired not only in India but also in many other countries including Pakistan and Bangladesh. This article is about her social concerns and political leanings. At the level of thought, she was close to the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), which is infamous for its Nazi-like ideology. Many incidents of her life show that she preferred communal politics over secularism. She also kept away from the Dalit issues.
Playback singer Lata Mangeshkar was the uncrowned queen of Indian music for over seven decades. Her songs were heard and admired not only in India but also in many other countries including Pakistan and Bangladesh. This article is about her social concerns and political leanings. At the level of thought, she was close to the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), which is infamous for its Nazi-like ideology. Many incidents of her life show that she preferred communal politics over secularism. She also kept away from the Dalit issues.
Invention or Inversion? Revisiting the Question of Caste Tradition
Contemporary Voice of Dalit, Ahead of Print.
The main theme of this paper is to revisit the question of caste and the politics of/on traditions. We have explored the questions of mythology; how ‘we’, the lower caste people associate and (re)interpret the mythical characters as a process of social upward mobility. So, is it the invention of tradition or is it the inversion of tradition or both? Interestingly, we could be able to locate a distinct regional pattern in this case. Thus, we argue that in the Northern part of India, specifically in Uttar Pradesh, though it is the process called the invention of tradition, it can be framed as a little tradition under the grand Hindu tradition. On the other hand, in the Southern part of the country specifically in Tamil Nadu, it is rather the process called the inversion of tradition which is much more radically grounded in sub-national ethos. Based on these premises, this article further argues that Uttar Pradesh’s caste politics is based on the invention of a tradition model which can incorporate the lower castes’ little traditions within the larger ambit of the Hindu grand narratives. Thus, new Hindutva politics has easily appropriated them within their polemic. On the contrary, in the South, due to the inversion of the tradition model embedded in a pre-existing political tradition and sub-national ethos, Hindutva failed to get a proper hold in recent times.
The main theme of this paper is to revisit the question of caste and the politics of/on traditions. We have explored the questions of mythology; how ‘we’, the lower caste people associate and (re)interpret the mythical characters as a process of social upward mobility. So, is it the invention of tradition or is it the inversion of tradition or both? Interestingly, we could be able to locate a distinct regional pattern in this case. Thus, we argue that in the Northern part of India, specifically in Uttar Pradesh, though it is the process called the invention of tradition, it can be framed as a little tradition under the grand Hindu tradition. On the other hand, in the Southern part of the country specifically in Tamil Nadu, it is rather the process called the inversion of tradition which is much more radically grounded in sub-national ethos. Based on these premises, this article further argues that Uttar Pradesh’s caste politics is based on the invention of a tradition model which can incorporate the lower castes’ little traditions within the larger ambit of the Hindu grand narratives. Thus, new Hindutva politics has easily appropriated them within their polemic. On the contrary, in the South, due to the inversion of the tradition model embedded in a pre-existing political tradition and sub-national ethos, Hindutva failed to get a proper hold in recent times.
Claiming Land Rights: Politics of Space and Identity—A Study of the Tea Garden Community of Assam
Contemporary Voice of Dalit, Ahead of Print.
Land and identity issues are interlinked and landlessness becomes a cause of ethnic unrest in the Northeast region of India. Colonial land and forest policy not only impacted the lives of indigenous people but also affected the land relation of indigenous and other immigrant communities of Assam. Even the post-colonial state has also been continuing the legacy of colonial state, which resulted in the land deprivation of tribals and Adivasis of Assam. It is in this context the present study discusses the landlessness of the tea garden community of Assam. Despite living in Assam for more than a hundred years, they are constantly facing the issue of landlessness and land alienation, which subsequently created a threat to their identity, culture and livelihood. The article is based on the arguments and narratives drawn from the tea garden community of Assam and the role of state is also highlighted in this context.
Land and identity issues are interlinked and landlessness becomes a cause of ethnic unrest in the Northeast region of India. Colonial land and forest policy not only impacted the lives of indigenous people but also affected the land relation of indigenous and other immigrant communities of Assam. Even the post-colonial state has also been continuing the legacy of colonial state, which resulted in the land deprivation of tribals and Adivasis of Assam. It is in this context the present study discusses the landlessness of the tea garden community of Assam. Despite living in Assam for more than a hundred years, they are constantly facing the issue of landlessness and land alienation, which subsequently created a threat to their identity, culture and livelihood. The article is based on the arguments and narratives drawn from the tea garden community of Assam and the role of state is also highlighted in this context.