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Creating intangible accessible environments: the implementation of the Marrakesh Treaty on visually impaired people in China
To teach or not to teach climate change education – the perceptions of sixth-graders in northern Israel
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BDSM and total power exchange: Between inclusion and exclusion
Sexualities, Ahead of Print.
In recent decades, BDSM as a form of power exchange has gained partial recognition and social inclusion in the public sphere. The inclusive process comes with the price of excluding concrete behaviors and thought patterns that are considered dangerous and pathological. This exclusion/inclusion process is conducted in the framework of the production of consensual biopolitical knowledge and in the context of the normalization of sex. Under these conditions, the total power exchange master/slave relationship, which is realized through a full-time power exchange encounter, suffers from the exclusion mechanism, as it is incompatible with the inclusive reason. In the course of this paper, I will examine the exclusion process of the master/slave total power exchange under the constitutive mechanism of the BDSM discursive rules in order to expose a new form of thinking and behavior that challenges the biopower reason, while simultaneously operating within its limitations.
In recent decades, BDSM as a form of power exchange has gained partial recognition and social inclusion in the public sphere. The inclusive process comes with the price of excluding concrete behaviors and thought patterns that are considered dangerous and pathological. This exclusion/inclusion process is conducted in the framework of the production of consensual biopolitical knowledge and in the context of the normalization of sex. Under these conditions, the total power exchange master/slave relationship, which is realized through a full-time power exchange encounter, suffers from the exclusion mechanism, as it is incompatible with the inclusive reason. In the course of this paper, I will examine the exclusion process of the master/slave total power exchange under the constitutive mechanism of the BDSM discursive rules in order to expose a new form of thinking and behavior that challenges the biopower reason, while simultaneously operating within its limitations.
‘Class and “Race”. . . the two antinomic poles of a permanent dialectic’: Racialization, racism and resistance in Japan
Current Sociology, Ahead of Print.
Despite the pervasive social constructivist turn, regardless of some exceptions, discussions of race, racialization and racism continue to focus on the relatively essentialist White/non-White binary. In this article, I move from the White/non-White binary to consider the dynamics and practices of racialization, racism and racial conflicts in Japan where there are no phenotypical distinctions between the dominant and the main racialized minority groups – the Burakumin, the Ainu, the Okinawans, the Zainichi Koreans and the Chinese. The main argument made in this article is that in Japan, class and power inequalities generated by colonialism, the division of labour, adoption and the deployment of the dominant Western 19th-century discourse of ‘scientific racism’ contributed to ‘racial formations’, ‘racial projects’ and the construction of the racialized boundaries that fuelled and continue to compete over material and non-material resources. A historical sociology of the permanent dialectic between class and race in Japan is offered in this article.
Despite the pervasive social constructivist turn, regardless of some exceptions, discussions of race, racialization and racism continue to focus on the relatively essentialist White/non-White binary. In this article, I move from the White/non-White binary to consider the dynamics and practices of racialization, racism and racial conflicts in Japan where there are no phenotypical distinctions between the dominant and the main racialized minority groups – the Burakumin, the Ainu, the Okinawans, the Zainichi Koreans and the Chinese. The main argument made in this article is that in Japan, class and power inequalities generated by colonialism, the division of labour, adoption and the deployment of the dominant Western 19th-century discourse of ‘scientific racism’ contributed to ‘racial formations’, ‘racial projects’ and the construction of the racialized boundaries that fuelled and continue to compete over material and non-material resources. A historical sociology of the permanent dialectic between class and race in Japan is offered in this article.
The immaculate conception of data: Agribusiness, activists, and their shared politics of the future. By Kelly Bronson, Québec: McGill‐Queen’s University Press. 2022. pp. 224. C$ 37.95 (pbk)/C$ 130 (hbk). ISBN: 9780228011224 (pbk)/ISBN: 9780228011217 (hbk)
Journal of Agrarian Change, EarlyView.
Barriers and facilitators of access to higher education in a weakly institutionalised context: perceptions of disabled students
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Can a colonial flag become a banner for democracy? The Case of the Dragon and Lion flag and the 2019 Hong Kong protests
Current Sociology, Ahead of Print.
Why did Hong Kong protestors choose a symbol of former oppression – the old colonial flag – as a banner for their fight for democracy, rights and autonomy in 2019? We propose to answer this puzzle by studying the colonial-era flag as a displacement device. The waving of the colonial-era flag is shown to induce non-linear temporal and extraterritorial displacements, as well as contradictory interpretations of Hong Kong’s core values, national sovereignty and cultural identity. The flag’s displacements are amplified against the contested colonial history of the former British enclave. Conceptually, this pragmatic definition of the flag moves beyond approaches that study flags as representations of a structure of symbolic meaning. The flag is neither an unimportant prop nor is it a free-floating signifier; its materiality elicits significant political effects. Methodologically, this translates into an exploration of the flag’s second-order agency. The old colonial-era Hong Kong flag, in combination with discourse and institutional arrangements, is shown to be integral to contentious politics. The flag and its displacements shed new light on a city uneasy with its past, dissatisfied with its present and uncertain about its future.
Why did Hong Kong protestors choose a symbol of former oppression – the old colonial flag – as a banner for their fight for democracy, rights and autonomy in 2019? We propose to answer this puzzle by studying the colonial-era flag as a displacement device. The waving of the colonial-era flag is shown to induce non-linear temporal and extraterritorial displacements, as well as contradictory interpretations of Hong Kong’s core values, national sovereignty and cultural identity. The flag’s displacements are amplified against the contested colonial history of the former British enclave. Conceptually, this pragmatic definition of the flag moves beyond approaches that study flags as representations of a structure of symbolic meaning. The flag is neither an unimportant prop nor is it a free-floating signifier; its materiality elicits significant political effects. Methodologically, this translates into an exploration of the flag’s second-order agency. The old colonial-era Hong Kong flag, in combination with discourse and institutional arrangements, is shown to be integral to contentious politics. The flag and its displacements shed new light on a city uneasy with its past, dissatisfied with its present and uncertain about its future.
Toiling from the homespace, longing for the workplace: gendered workplace imaginaries in an (in)flexible work scenario
England’s catch-22: institutional limitations to achieving balanced growth through devolution
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